viernes, 17 de mayo de 2013
Poverty, Occupational Choice and Social Networks:
In rural labor markets, a tied-labor contract involves a long-term relationship between
an employer and a worker where the employer provides a steady but low wage to the
worker (relative to a casual labor contract that offers a high wage rate during the
harvest season). The role of labor-tying on terms of labor contracts has been stud-
ied extensively in theoretical studies (Bardhan (1983), Eswaran and Kotwal (1985),
Mukherjee and Ray (1995)) and the empirical relevance of tied-labor has been shown,
particularly in South Asia1 (Bardhan and Rudra (1978)). In developing countries where
poor households face substantial amounts of risk and limited insurance opportunities,
labor-tying is likely to be an important channel through which they smooth their in-
come, hence their consumption2 (Morduch (1995)). Yet recent empirical studies have
mainly focused on other mechanisms of consumption-smoothing such as informal in-
surance and pre-cautionary savings3. Using original survey data from Bangladesh, I
show that labor-tying is an important mechanism through which poor workers smooth
their consumption. Furthermore, I test the effects of an experiment that increases the
expected income of the poor women living in rural Bangladesh on their involvement
in tied labor. In particular, I show that an exogenous improvement in the outside
option of poor workers decreases their participation in tied-labor, and allows them to
enter labor contracts with higher return but higher income volatility. This change in
the level and composition of labor supply within the village has different general equilibrium effects on the returns to tied and casual labor in the male and female labor
markets within the village. Finally, I provide evidence that suggests that the treated
poor households are changing the mechanisms through which they smooth their con-
sumption. In particular, the households that are exogenously made wealthier are less
likely to engage in tied-labor arrangements, but more likely to form reciprocal transfer
links with other villagers. Taken all together, the findings show that as poor households
(exogenously) get richer, they move from second-best labor contracts (that yield a low
return but insure them against risks) to more profitable yet riskier income generating
activities, accompanied with reciprocal transfer arrangements that help smooth their
consumption.
I use this theoretical framework to test the effects of an exogenous increase in the
outside option of poorest workers on their participation in tied labor and on the terms
of labor contracts in the village economy. The exogenous variation I exploit is the
randomized roll-out of the “ultra poor” program in Bangladesh. The “ultra poor”
program was pioneered by BRAC4 and targets the poorest women living in villages. It
involves a combination of a large asset transfer (livestock or trees), enterprize training
and weekly visits by program officers to ensure that the treated females are able to
generate income from the assets that they receive. In short, the program improves the
self-employment opportunities of treated women. The data used in this paper comes
from the randomized evaluation of BRAC’s ultra poor program in Bangladesh. The program identifies the poorest females living in rural villages, who are often landless
laborers. They rely primarily on finding work as agricultural day-laborers or maids,
and on the transfers they receive from the rest of the community. This is a setting
where seasonal fluctuations in wage earnings are very significant (see Figure 1) and a
large proportion of the targeted poor households enter into tied-labor contracts that
provide a smoother income profile but lower average wage.
In order to test the predictions of the model empirically, I make use of two key
characteristics of the evaluation strategy: First, in order to identify tied and casual
workers empirically, I use data on the identity of workers’ employers and their food transfer links. The data is unique in the sense that for every business activity that the
respondents were engaged in, they were asked to report the identity of their employer
and as long as the employer was within the same village (as the respondent), their
household ID number was recorded. Similarly, respondents were asked to identify the
most important 3 households they would borrow food from at times of need. Using
these two pieces of information, I can identify which employers were also a borrowing
source for the worker: 25% of the poor workers report their employer as a source of
food transfers in times of need. I show that this definition of tied labor contracts also
correlates with having lower average wage rate and lower wage volatility, in line with
the definition of tied labor contracts in the theoretical framework5.
I start by analyzing the effects of the program on the treated women. I find that
the program has a negative impact on the participation of treated females in the female
labor market in the village. They are 10% less likely to be working for another household
in the village at followup relative to eligible women in control villages. This suggests
that there is an overall fall in the labor supply in the female labor market in the village.
In line with prediction 2, conditional on being in wage employment, treated females are
20% less likely to be in tied-labor contracts. Hence there is a greater fall in the supply
of tied female workers relative to casual workers. Furthermore, this suggests that the
direct effect of the program on the outside options of treated women dominates any
indirect GE effects through the labor markets.
In order to formalize the incentives of workers and employers in entering tied-labor
arrangements, I adopt the risk-sharing model of labor-tying developed by Bardhan
(1983) where a risk-averse worker enters into a tied labor arrangement with a risk-
neutral employer in order to smooth her income during the lean and peak seasons.
Alternatively, the worker can choose to settle down for her expected outside option,
which will be a function of her wealth and vulnerability (proneness to risks). The
model assumes that tied workers and casual laborers are perfect substitutes in the farm
production function during the peak season. Hence, the employer’s only incentive in
offering tied-labor contracts is to ensure supply of cheap labor during the peak season.
In equilibrium, it will be the poorest and most vulnerable workers that enter into tied-
labor contracts, while better-off workers will choose to remain self-employed and work
for the employer as a casual worker whenever the realized village market wage rate
exceeds their expected outside option. This automatically implies that casual workers
will receive a higher wage rate on average.
The theoretical model gives the following predictions with respect to an exogenous
shock to the outside options of the poorest workers in the economy:
-
In partial equilibrium (assuming there is no effect on the returns to tied or casual
labor)
-
(a) Treated workers will be less likely to be working for a wage. This depends
on two factors: (i) whether the amount of increase in the outside option of
the treated worker is large enough (ii) the initial level of the outside option
of the worker.
-
(b) Conditional on remaining in wage-employment, treated workers will be less
likely to be in tied-labor contracts and more likely to be in casual labor
contracts.
-
(a) Treated workers will be less likely to be working for a wage. This depends
on two factors: (i) whether the amount of increase in the outside option of
the treated worker is large enough (ii) the initial level of the outside option
of the worker.
-
In general equilibrium, depending on how the program affects the aggregate dis-
tribution of workers’ outside options, wages for both tied and casual laborers may
increase. In that case, the threshold level of outside option below which workers
enter into tied contracts also increases.
-
A corollary of prediction (2) is that the effect of the program on whether treated
workers remain in wage-work and the type of contracts they enter will be am-
biguous in general equilibrium. The direct effect on their outside options and the
GE effects through the labor market have opposing effects on their labor market
participation.
-
Finally, if workers are matched assortatively by their outside options in reciprocal
transfer arrangements, then treated workers will be more likely to enter reciprocal
arrangements with wealthier workers to smooth their consumption. This will
increase their likelihood to switch from tied to casual labor contracts.
Second, in order to identify the direct effects of the program on the treated house-
holds and the indirect spillover effects on non-treated households via the labor market,
I make use of the fact that the program was randomized at the village level and the
sample includes both treated and non-treated workers in treatment and control villages.
Comparison of treated workers in treatment villages to those workers that were selected
for treatment but were not treated in control villages (henceforth “selected workers”)
allows me to identify the direct effect of the program combined with any indirect general
equilibrium effects. By comparing the non-treated workers in treatment villages to the
relevant group of workers in control villages, I identify the general equilibrium effects
of the program on the rest of the community.
Acknowledgements
Firstly I would like to thank my Doctoral Supervisor, Professor Alexander Kouzmin.
When first approaching him he announced that he only took on students who ‘had a
twitch in their eye’ indicating a passion for their subject. I am pleased he saw the
twitch and then persevered with me over the ensuing months. He continually sought
to stretch my boundaries and direct me toward the work of esteemed authors, whose
earlier writings would inform my work. He never hesitated to take my calls or
promptly return emails and in fact on many occasions hosted me on the verandah of
his home to listen to the latest musings of a novice student. I have been privileged to
be guided by such an eminent author and academic.
I would also like to acknowledge the direction provided to me by a different type of mentor, namely Swami Chandrasekharanand Saraswati, an Indian monk who I first met in the Himalayas in December 2003, who upon meeting me said ‘you should undertake a PhD and write about the positive things that companies do’. This conversation, along with subsequent ones, have allowed me to maintain a conviction that the months of reading, researching and writing were being wisely invested.
I believe it is also important to acknowledge another academic influence on my life, namely that of Marcus Cohen. Marcus was my first lecturer at the UNSW AGSM when I commenced an Executive MBA in late 1996. Not having been to university previously, and hence not having attained an undergraduate degree, I was understandably concerned about my ability to work at a Masters level. Upon handing me the subject results for my first unit, which he had graded as a distinction, he said ‘now that you have got your first subject out of the way there is no reason why you can’t go on and complete a PhD’. Marcus was himself writing a doctoral thesis on Volunteering in Australia, however, regrettably passed away before he could complete his work. His attitude of constant encouragement and willingness to give freely of his time and energy to all his students has no doubt inspired many toward greater achievement in their lives.
Finally I would like to acknowledge another source of inspiration who has also recently passed away. That is Dr Rodney Seaborn AO OBE who was born in 1912 and died on 17th May 2008. I first met “Dr Seaborn” as a young boy and had contact intermittently throughout teenage years and in my early twenties. Upon successful completion of a law degree he decided that his future lay in medicine and worked to pay his way through medical school in London, eventually obtaining a degree in psychiatry. Not content with giving via his knowledge, skill and service to patients, the community and medical and government boards he also embarked on giving away the financial and real estate assets that he had accumulated through the establishment of the Seaborn, Walford & Broughton Foundation. His constant desire to give and support the artistic endeavours of others made Rodney one of the most generous philanthropists in Sydney greatly assisting the work of NIDA, the Australian Elizabethan Theatre Trust, the Griffin Theatre Company to name just a few.
“...his sunny personality and enthusiasm, his leadership by example and his boundless philanthropy were so outstanding we can truly ask ourselves:
Will we ever see his like again?” – The Hon Justice Lloyd Waddy RFD.
I would also like to acknowledge the direction provided to me by a different type of mentor, namely Swami Chandrasekharanand Saraswati, an Indian monk who I first met in the Himalayas in December 2003, who upon meeting me said ‘you should undertake a PhD and write about the positive things that companies do’. This conversation, along with subsequent ones, have allowed me to maintain a conviction that the months of reading, researching and writing were being wisely invested.
I believe it is also important to acknowledge another academic influence on my life, namely that of Marcus Cohen. Marcus was my first lecturer at the UNSW AGSM when I commenced an Executive MBA in late 1996. Not having been to university previously, and hence not having attained an undergraduate degree, I was understandably concerned about my ability to work at a Masters level. Upon handing me the subject results for my first unit, which he had graded as a distinction, he said ‘now that you have got your first subject out of the way there is no reason why you can’t go on and complete a PhD’. Marcus was himself writing a doctoral thesis on Volunteering in Australia, however, regrettably passed away before he could complete his work. His attitude of constant encouragement and willingness to give freely of his time and energy to all his students has no doubt inspired many toward greater achievement in their lives.
Finally I would like to acknowledge another source of inspiration who has also recently passed away. That is Dr Rodney Seaborn AO OBE who was born in 1912 and died on 17th May 2008. I first met “Dr Seaborn” as a young boy and had contact intermittently throughout teenage years and in my early twenties. Upon successful completion of a law degree he decided that his future lay in medicine and worked to pay his way through medical school in London, eventually obtaining a degree in psychiatry. Not content with giving via his knowledge, skill and service to patients, the community and medical and government boards he also embarked on giving away the financial and real estate assets that he had accumulated through the establishment of the Seaborn, Walford & Broughton Foundation. His constant desire to give and support the artistic endeavours of others made Rodney one of the most generous philanthropists in Sydney greatly assisting the work of NIDA, the Australian Elizabethan Theatre Trust, the Griffin Theatre Company to name just a few.
“...his sunny personality and enthusiasm, his leadership by example and his boundless philanthropy were so outstanding we can truly ask ourselves:
Will we ever see his like again?” – The Hon Justice Lloyd Waddy RFD.
vi
Abstract
This study investigates the relationship between profit-making corporations and the
not-for-profit sector within Australia. The broad field of corporate social responsibility,
or CSR, is discussed, narrowing to the activity of corporate philanthropy and corporate
social investment. The latter is defined as being philanthropy with strategic intent, in
order to build capacity within the recipient organisation which in most cases will
produce beneficial outcomes for the donor as well (Tracey, 2003). The title of this study
has used the term ‘philanthropic contract’ (Broadbent, 2001; Kouzmin, 2007) to
describe the relationship between commercial organisations and charitable ones and
the unwritten societal expectation, that the corporate sector will support the work of
members of the not-for-profit sector. This study also uses the term ‘social capital’
(Putnam, 1995) to describe one of the principle areas of benefit for companies who
participate.
The aspect of the relationship between the two sectors that formed the focus of this study is defined as being the interaction between the two that involves financial contributions and those of goods and services as well as expertise, information and influence flowing from profit-making companies to not-for-profit organisations.
The direction of the research is to advance toward an understanding of why corporations engage in this practice and toward a conclusion as to whether corporate social investing is a mutually beneficial exchange. Finally, the study highlights examples of engagement processes, and advice from those participating. The inclusion of these in the study is designed to provide valuable learning for other corporations, and not-for-profit organisations, contemplating entering into their own philanthropic partnerships.
Through ten qualitative interviews this inquiry investigated the attitudes toward this relationship of various stakeholders including the management of not-for-profit organisations, representatives of relevant associations and social commentators. It became apparent that the previously well-publicised opposition to publicly listed companies supporting the not-for-profit sector, proffered by organisations such as the Australian Shareholders’ Association, had largely evaporated.
Case studies involving five profit-making corporations, operating within Australia, were then undertaken and the views of their senior management sought as regards their motivations, aims, and outcomes. Overwhelmingly their experiences were positive for the corporation, the organisations they were funding, and the members of the community that the recipients were in turn supporting.
Corporate benefits reported included increased ability to attract quality staff, enhanced ability to retain staff, significant development for staff that actively participated, improved corporate culture and the building of social capital leading to enhanced reputation which supported the corporations licence to operate, future objectives and long term sustainability.
It is hoped that these insights along with the advice offered up by those individuals and organisations that participated in the study will benefit others and promote greater participation in corporate philanthropy and social investment within Australia.
The aspect of the relationship between the two sectors that formed the focus of this study is defined as being the interaction between the two that involves financial contributions and those of goods and services as well as expertise, information and influence flowing from profit-making companies to not-for-profit organisations.
The direction of the research is to advance toward an understanding of why corporations engage in this practice and toward a conclusion as to whether corporate social investing is a mutually beneficial exchange. Finally, the study highlights examples of engagement processes, and advice from those participating. The inclusion of these in the study is designed to provide valuable learning for other corporations, and not-for-profit organisations, contemplating entering into their own philanthropic partnerships.
Through ten qualitative interviews this inquiry investigated the attitudes toward this relationship of various stakeholders including the management of not-for-profit organisations, representatives of relevant associations and social commentators. It became apparent that the previously well-publicised opposition to publicly listed companies supporting the not-for-profit sector, proffered by organisations such as the Australian Shareholders’ Association, had largely evaporated.
Case studies involving five profit-making corporations, operating within Australia, were then undertaken and the views of their senior management sought as regards their motivations, aims, and outcomes. Overwhelmingly their experiences were positive for the corporation, the organisations they were funding, and the members of the community that the recipients were in turn supporting.
Corporate benefits reported included increased ability to attract quality staff, enhanced ability to retain staff, significant development for staff that actively participated, improved corporate culture and the building of social capital leading to enhanced reputation which supported the corporations licence to operate, future objectives and long term sustainability.
It is hoped that these insights along with the advice offered up by those individuals and organisations that participated in the study will benefit others and promote greater participation in corporate philanthropy and social investment within Australia.
Social Development, Culture, and Participation
Toward theorizing endogenous
development in Tanzania
PhD thesis submitted to the Graduate School of Asia-Pacific Studies, Waseda University (GSAPS)
October 2002 (April 2003 Revision)
Kumiko Sakamoto
PhD thesis submitted to the Graduate School of Asia-Pacific Studies, Waseda University (GSAPS)
October 2002 (April 2003 Revision)
Kumiko Sakamoto
Acknowledgements
First of all, I would like to thank the villagers of Mbekenyera and Naunambe villages (Mbekenyera Ward, Ruangwa District), Naipanga Village (Nachingwea District), Rutamba ya Sasa and Rutamba ya Zamani villages (Rutamba Ward, Lindi Rural District), Sudi and Mchinga II villages (Lindi Rural District) to have contributed their knowledge and time for this research. This thesis, especially Chapter 4, is a consolidation of their knowledge, and although I have left the original papers that noted down the discussions in the respective villages, I would like to dedicate this thesis back to the people.
Secondly, I would like to thank the facilitators and interviewers for their effort: Mzee Issa Mapua for facilitating, and Mr. R. Nakumbya and Mr. A. B. Katoto for co-facilitating the field research in Mbekenyera and Naunambe villages; Ms. S. Malunda, Mr. I. Matola, and Ms. E. Kamagenge for facilitating in Naipanga Village; Mr. A. T. Bubelwa for facilitating, and Ms. K. P. Liveta and Mr. R. J. Kwai for co-facilitating in Rutamba ya Sasa and Rutamba ya Zamani villages; and Mr. Omari Mchalaganya and Mr. Issa Kalenga for facilitating in Sudi and Mchinga II villages. Interviews were done by the same facilitators in the respective locations; and by Ms. Farida Kangesa in Dar es Salaam, by Mr. D. M. Masasi in Kilwa District, and by Mr. A. Chale and Mr. H. Mapua in Lindi Urban.
Thirdly, Tanzania Commission for Science and Technology (COSTECH) kindly gave me their permission to undergo this research (Permit No. 2001-185, File No. RCA 2001-29, “Social Development and Culture: The Case of Tanzania”) and Prof. S. B. Likwelile has recommended, supervised, and advised me in Tanzania. I would also like to thank the village, ward, district, and regional officials for their understanding and support, and for sharing their knowledge of their locality. Special thanks to Mr. N.J.E. Mnguli for introducing contacts within Lindi Region, and giving relevant advices in the process of the field research. RIPS staff have shared their diversified knowledge with me: Dr. J. Wembah-Rashid, Ms. Julie Adkins, Mr. Deodatus Babili, and Mr. Bright Msalya for sharing their knowledge and experiences; Mr. O. Kinyero for making Map 1; Mr. Dunford Kunnola, Ms. Kerstin Smetz, and Mr. Francis Mdembwe for sharing their documents; and Ms. Maria Notley for duplicating their video. I received valuable comments and advices from Prof. Marjorie Mbilinyi, Dr. E.P.A. Mihanjo, Dr. Max Mmuya, Dr. S. Mesaki, and Prof. C.S.L. Chachage of University of Dar es Salaam; Prof I. Kikula of UCLAS (University College of Land and Architecture Studies); Prof. Juhani Koponen, Prof. Jun Ikeno, and Prof. Yasuo Takamura. My ex-colleagues in UNDP (the United Nations Development Programme), UNICEF (the United Nations Children’s Fund), and Vice President’s Office have also been helpful in inspiring my research through sharing their experiences and information. I would like to thank Ms. Mio Takada, Ms. Simrin Singh, and Mr. Andy Hurd for their hospitality in Dar es Salaam; Annie of Concern in Lindi; and Ngwegwe family and Ndarage family in Mtwara. The list of people whom I appreciate toward extends to Appendix A. Many of them have provided comments and advices on the research proposal and draft interview questionnaire. Mwalimu Esta has been extremely kind to
First of all, I would like to thank the villagers of Mbekenyera and Naunambe villages (Mbekenyera Ward, Ruangwa District), Naipanga Village (Nachingwea District), Rutamba ya Sasa and Rutamba ya Zamani villages (Rutamba Ward, Lindi Rural District), Sudi and Mchinga II villages (Lindi Rural District) to have contributed their knowledge and time for this research. This thesis, especially Chapter 4, is a consolidation of their knowledge, and although I have left the original papers that noted down the discussions in the respective villages, I would like to dedicate this thesis back to the people.
Secondly, I would like to thank the facilitators and interviewers for their effort: Mzee Issa Mapua for facilitating, and Mr. R. Nakumbya and Mr. A. B. Katoto for co-facilitating the field research in Mbekenyera and Naunambe villages; Ms. S. Malunda, Mr. I. Matola, and Ms. E. Kamagenge for facilitating in Naipanga Village; Mr. A. T. Bubelwa for facilitating, and Ms. K. P. Liveta and Mr. R. J. Kwai for co-facilitating in Rutamba ya Sasa and Rutamba ya Zamani villages; and Mr. Omari Mchalaganya and Mr. Issa Kalenga for facilitating in Sudi and Mchinga II villages. Interviews were done by the same facilitators in the respective locations; and by Ms. Farida Kangesa in Dar es Salaam, by Mr. D. M. Masasi in Kilwa District, and by Mr. A. Chale and Mr. H. Mapua in Lindi Urban.
Thirdly, Tanzania Commission for Science and Technology (COSTECH) kindly gave me their permission to undergo this research (Permit No. 2001-185, File No. RCA 2001-29, “Social Development and Culture: The Case of Tanzania”) and Prof. S. B. Likwelile has recommended, supervised, and advised me in Tanzania. I would also like to thank the village, ward, district, and regional officials for their understanding and support, and for sharing their knowledge of their locality. Special thanks to Mr. N.J.E. Mnguli for introducing contacts within Lindi Region, and giving relevant advices in the process of the field research. RIPS staff have shared their diversified knowledge with me: Dr. J. Wembah-Rashid, Ms. Julie Adkins, Mr. Deodatus Babili, and Mr. Bright Msalya for sharing their knowledge and experiences; Mr. O. Kinyero for making Map 1; Mr. Dunford Kunnola, Ms. Kerstin Smetz, and Mr. Francis Mdembwe for sharing their documents; and Ms. Maria Notley for duplicating their video. I received valuable comments and advices from Prof. Marjorie Mbilinyi, Dr. E.P.A. Mihanjo, Dr. Max Mmuya, Dr. S. Mesaki, and Prof. C.S.L. Chachage of University of Dar es Salaam; Prof I. Kikula of UCLAS (University College of Land and Architecture Studies); Prof. Juhani Koponen, Prof. Jun Ikeno, and Prof. Yasuo Takamura. My ex-colleagues in UNDP (the United Nations Development Programme), UNICEF (the United Nations Children’s Fund), and Vice President’s Office have also been helpful in inspiring my research through sharing their experiences and information. I would like to thank Ms. Mio Takada, Ms. Simrin Singh, and Mr. Andy Hurd for their hospitality in Dar es Salaam; Annie of Concern in Lindi; and Ngwegwe family and Ndarage family in Mtwara. The list of people whom I appreciate toward extends to Appendix A. Many of them have provided comments and advices on the research proposal and draft interview questionnaire. Mwalimu Esta has been extremely kind to
April 2003 i
translate the first draft of the English questionnaire into Swahili on short notice. Although
the questionnaire changed drastically based on the various comment received in
Tanzania, the first Swahili questionnaire enabled a great starting point. Mr. Timo Voipio
has also been extremely generous in giving prior tips that enabled me to maximize my
field research in southeastern Tanzania.
This thesis was not possible without the supervisions of my advisor Prof. Jun Nishikawa and my deputy advisor Prof. Yoshiaki Abe of GSAPS (Graduate School of Asia-Pacific Studies), Waseda University. They have gone through various versions of the draft thesis and articles, sat through presentation rehearsals, and provided precise directions and advices. I would also like to thank my classmates for commenting in such occasions. The research was possible financially with sponsorship of Waseda University Grant for Special Research Projects (Individual Research) entitled “Culture and Social Development.”
The introduction and the structure of the thesis were presented in an interim presentation on 25 February 2002, in GSAPS, Waseda University. Prof. Nishikawa chaired the presentation and professors Abe, Takeshi Hara, and Glenda S. Roberts provided valuable advices.
A part of this thesis (mainly reformulated in chapter 4) was presented at the 12th Annual Conference of the Japan Society for International Development in Hiroshima, Japan on 1 December 2001 as “Culture and Social Development in Tanzania: From the case of Lindi Region” and received comments from professors Junzo Kawada, Kyoko Kikuchi, and Jin Sato. A draft article on the subject has been shared with Mr. Stephan Dondeyne, Mr. Jozef Serneels, Ms. Chika Hyodo, Ms. Babette Pfander, and Ms. Mio Takada, and received their criticism, inspiration, and encouragement.
A different part of this thesis (latter part of chapter 3) was presented in the 39th Annual Conference of Japan Association for African Studies in Sendai, Japan on 26 May 2002 as “Is Swahili Culture Social Development Unfriendly? Historical formation of poverty in Tanzania” and received valuable comments from professors Shunya Hino and Chizuko Tominaga, and encouragement from Dr. Tadasu Tsuruta.
The thesis was presented and defending in an oral examination on 6 February 2003, in GSAPS, Waseda University. Professors Nishikawa, Abe, Hara and Makoto Sato have scrutinized and examined the thesis, and indicated areas of necessary revisions. The thesis has been revised based on their advices.
Although this thesis was possible through dialogue with so many people including those I have been able to acknowledge, I am solely responsible for the interpretation of the knowledge that I have received and written down. Lastly but not the least, I thank my husband Katsunori Tsuda for his logistical and moral support during the fieldwork, and his understanding during the writing of my thesis.
Kumiko Sakamoto April 2003
This thesis was not possible without the supervisions of my advisor Prof. Jun Nishikawa and my deputy advisor Prof. Yoshiaki Abe of GSAPS (Graduate School of Asia-Pacific Studies), Waseda University. They have gone through various versions of the draft thesis and articles, sat through presentation rehearsals, and provided precise directions and advices. I would also like to thank my classmates for commenting in such occasions. The research was possible financially with sponsorship of Waseda University Grant for Special Research Projects (Individual Research) entitled “Culture and Social Development.”
The introduction and the structure of the thesis were presented in an interim presentation on 25 February 2002, in GSAPS, Waseda University. Prof. Nishikawa chaired the presentation and professors Abe, Takeshi Hara, and Glenda S. Roberts provided valuable advices.
A part of this thesis (mainly reformulated in chapter 4) was presented at the 12th Annual Conference of the Japan Society for International Development in Hiroshima, Japan on 1 December 2001 as “Culture and Social Development in Tanzania: From the case of Lindi Region” and received comments from professors Junzo Kawada, Kyoko Kikuchi, and Jin Sato. A draft article on the subject has been shared with Mr. Stephan Dondeyne, Mr. Jozef Serneels, Ms. Chika Hyodo, Ms. Babette Pfander, and Ms. Mio Takada, and received their criticism, inspiration, and encouragement.
A different part of this thesis (latter part of chapter 3) was presented in the 39th Annual Conference of Japan Association for African Studies in Sendai, Japan on 26 May 2002 as “Is Swahili Culture Social Development Unfriendly? Historical formation of poverty in Tanzania” and received valuable comments from professors Shunya Hino and Chizuko Tominaga, and encouragement from Dr. Tadasu Tsuruta.
The thesis was presented and defending in an oral examination on 6 February 2003, in GSAPS, Waseda University. Professors Nishikawa, Abe, Hara and Makoto Sato have scrutinized and examined the thesis, and indicated areas of necessary revisions. The thesis has been revised based on their advices.
Although this thesis was possible through dialogue with so many people including those I have been able to acknowledge, I am solely responsible for the interpretation of the knowledge that I have received and written down. Lastly but not the least, I thank my husband Katsunori Tsuda for his logistical and moral support during the fieldwork, and his understanding during the writing of my thesis.
Kumiko Sakamoto April 2003
April 2003 ii
Social Development, Culture, and Participation – Summary (Kumiko Sakamoto)
Summary
This thesis aims at theorizing endogenous development through re-conceptualizing the role of culture and recognizing the importance of diverse agencies participating in the development context. Tanzania aimed at harmonization between “development” and “culture” through the Ujamaa concept, but there were conflicts between development and culture in its top-down policies. Furthermore, present development perspectives perceived “culture” as a tool for development - either as an obstacle or a facilitator. The alternative perspective proposed in this thesis is to recognize culture as the basis for development: Conflict between development and culture hints resistances of the people toward the development processes; and harmonization between development and culture prevails endogenous development (Chapter 1).
A case study of Tanzania illustrated that culture was created based on ecological systems, structured based on the historical social processes, and selected based on endogenous agencies (Chapter 2). Within the different natural environments, societies mingled, interacted, and selected - creating layers of basis for their cultural identities. The layers created were the “Swahili culture” originating from the interactions between Africans and Arabs on the coast that spread along the caravan route, “tribal culture” frozen during the colonial rule, and “national culture” based on Ujamaa. Lindi Region is one of the coastal areas with the strong “Swahili” influence, but analysis showed that identities were diverse and consisting of multiple layers.
The evaluations of social development in Tanzania at the macro level in more recent policies indicated that endogenous perspectives should be considered as a condition for social development (Chapter 3). Firstly, time series analysis indicated that both state-led (Ujamaa) and market-led (structural adjustment) policies were predominantly exogenous for the people, and social development have not been sustained. Furthermore, the period lacking relative social development corresponded to the period lacking endogenous nature. Secondly, analysis of geographical disparities indicated that the regions with strong Swahili influences were lagging in terms of social development and that it was a result of marginalization forced by exogenous factors. Therefore, the thesis proposes people’s endogenous perspectives as an essential condition for social development.
Through the case study of Lindi Region, diverse agencies realizing endogenous development at the micro level were assessed (Chapter 4). Perspectives of development and culture were analyzed differentiating between women and men, young and old, based on the understanding that women and youth were excluded from participating in formal institutions of governance. According to the analysis, women utilized “development” against “culture” that violated their welfare, and they also used “cultural” networks as space for participating in social processes. On the other hand, youth denied traditional “culture” and found space outside existing village networks. This analysis indicated the importance of diverse agencies and their mutual dialogue for endogenous development.
Summarizing the discussions, the following conditions were proposed for endogenous social development: (i) Recognizing culture as the basis of development; (ii) Recognizing ecology, structure, and agencies as creator of culture; (iii) People’s endogenous participation including self-reliance in development processes; (iv) Dialogue between diverse agencies; and (v) Structural change and empowerment of agencies.
This thesis aims at theorizing endogenous development through re-conceptualizing the role of culture and recognizing the importance of diverse agencies participating in the development context. Tanzania aimed at harmonization between “development” and “culture” through the Ujamaa concept, but there were conflicts between development and culture in its top-down policies. Furthermore, present development perspectives perceived “culture” as a tool for development - either as an obstacle or a facilitator. The alternative perspective proposed in this thesis is to recognize culture as the basis for development: Conflict between development and culture hints resistances of the people toward the development processes; and harmonization between development and culture prevails endogenous development (Chapter 1).
A case study of Tanzania illustrated that culture was created based on ecological systems, structured based on the historical social processes, and selected based on endogenous agencies (Chapter 2). Within the different natural environments, societies mingled, interacted, and selected - creating layers of basis for their cultural identities. The layers created were the “Swahili culture” originating from the interactions between Africans and Arabs on the coast that spread along the caravan route, “tribal culture” frozen during the colonial rule, and “national culture” based on Ujamaa. Lindi Region is one of the coastal areas with the strong “Swahili” influence, but analysis showed that identities were diverse and consisting of multiple layers.
The evaluations of social development in Tanzania at the macro level in more recent policies indicated that endogenous perspectives should be considered as a condition for social development (Chapter 3). Firstly, time series analysis indicated that both state-led (Ujamaa) and market-led (structural adjustment) policies were predominantly exogenous for the people, and social development have not been sustained. Furthermore, the period lacking relative social development corresponded to the period lacking endogenous nature. Secondly, analysis of geographical disparities indicated that the regions with strong Swahili influences were lagging in terms of social development and that it was a result of marginalization forced by exogenous factors. Therefore, the thesis proposes people’s endogenous perspectives as an essential condition for social development.
Through the case study of Lindi Region, diverse agencies realizing endogenous development at the micro level were assessed (Chapter 4). Perspectives of development and culture were analyzed differentiating between women and men, young and old, based on the understanding that women and youth were excluded from participating in formal institutions of governance. According to the analysis, women utilized “development” against “culture” that violated their welfare, and they also used “cultural” networks as space for participating in social processes. On the other hand, youth denied traditional “culture” and found space outside existing village networks. This analysis indicated the importance of diverse agencies and their mutual dialogue for endogenous development.
Summarizing the discussions, the following conditions were proposed for endogenous social development: (i) Recognizing culture as the basis of development; (ii) Recognizing ecology, structure, and agencies as creator of culture; (iii) People’s endogenous participation including self-reliance in development processes; (iv) Dialogue between diverse agencies; and (v) Structural change and empowerment of agencies.
April 2003
List of Abbreviations and Acronyms
ADB
BHN
CCM
African Development Bank
Basic human needs
Chama Cha Mapinduzi (The Revolutionary Part - ruling party)
Chama Cha Mapinduzi (The Revolutionary Part - ruling party)
NCCR-Mageusi National Convention for
Construction and Reform-Mageusi (A
political party),
NGOs Non Governmental Organizations NER Net enrolment rate
NESP The National Economic Survival
Programme
NPES National Poverty Eradication Strategy NPV Net present value
ODA Overseas Development Agency (U.K.,
renamed DFID)
PAR Participatory action research
PFP Policy Framework Paper
PPA Participatory poverty assessment PRSP Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper RPFB Rolling Planning and Forward
Budgeting
SWAp Sector side approach
TAS Tanzania Assistance Strategy TFC Tanzania Fertilizer Company TSh Tanzanian Shilling
U.K. United Kingdom
U.S. United States
U5MR Under 5 mortality rate
UCLAS University College of Land and
Architecture Studies
UNDP United Nations Development
Programme
UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific
and Culture Organization
UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees
UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund
UNU United Nations University
UPE Universal primary education
v.a. Valid answer
VED/O Village Executive Director/Officer WDC Ward Development Committee WED/O Ward Executive Director/Officer WFP World Food Programme
political party),
NGOs Non Governmental Organizations NER Net enrolment rate
NESP The National Economic Survival
Programme
NPES National Poverty Eradication Strategy NPV Net present value
ODA Overseas Development Agency (U.K.,
renamed DFID)
PAR Participatory action research
PFP Policy Framework Paper
PPA Participatory poverty assessment PRSP Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper RPFB Rolling Planning and Forward
Budgeting
SWAp Sector side approach
TAS Tanzania Assistance Strategy TFC Tanzania Fertilizer Company TSh Tanzanian Shilling
U.K. United Kingdom
U.S. United States
U5MR Under 5 mortality rate
UCLAS University College of Land and
Architecture Studies
UNDP United Nations Development
Programme
UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific
and Culture Organization
UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees
UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund
UNU United Nations University
UPE Universal primary education
v.a. Valid answer
VED/O Village Executive Director/Officer WDC Ward Development Committee WED/O Ward Executive Director/Officer WFP World Food Programme
CHADEMA Chama Cha Demokrasia na
Maendeleo (A political party)
CUF
DANIDA
DED/O
DFID
DPT EC ERP ESAF
ESRF
EU
FGM FINNIDA
GAPEX
GDI GDP GER GTZ HBS HDI HIPC IDA
ILO IMF IMR JICA
LGRP MLYD
MMR MOE
DPT EC ERP ESAF
ESRF
EU
FGM FINNIDA
GAPEX
GDI GDP GER GTZ HBS HDI HIPC IDA
ILO IMF IMR JICA
LGRP MLYD
MMR MOE
Civic United Front (A political party)
Danish Development Assistance
District Executive Director/Officer
Department for International
Development (U.K.)
Diphtheria, pertussis, and tetanus European Commission Economic Recovery Programme Enhanced Structural Adjustment Facility
Economic and Social Research Foundation
European Union
Female genital mutilation
Finish International Development Agency
General Agricultural Product Export Corporation
Genderrelated development index Gross domestic product
Gross enrolment rate
German Technical Cooperation Household budget survey
Human development index
Heavily Indebted Poor Country International Development Association (the World Bank)
International Labour Organization International Monetary Fund
Infant mortality rate
Japan International Cooperation Agency
Local Government Reform Programme Ministry of Labour and Youth Development
Maternal mortality rate
Ministry of Education and Culture
Diphtheria, pertussis, and tetanus European Commission Economic Recovery Programme Enhanced Structural Adjustment Facility
Economic and Social Research Foundation
European Union
Female genital mutilation
Finish International Development Agency
General Agricultural Product Export Corporation
Genderrelated development index Gross domestic product
Gross enrolment rate
German Technical Cooperation Household budget survey
Human development index
Heavily Indebted Poor Country International Development Association (the World Bank)
International Labour Organization International Monetary Fund
Infant mortality rate
Japan International Cooperation Agency
Local Government Reform Programme Ministry of Labour and Youth Development
Maternal mortality rate
Ministry of Education and Culture
Jan. 2003
xii
Adabu
Chumba
Fundi
Fundisha Heshima, heshimu Jamii
Jando
Fundi
Fundisha Heshima, heshimu Jamii
Jando
Good manners
Room. Used in specific context as marriage.
A person skilled in any art, crafts, or profession
Teach
Respect (noun, verb) Community
Adult initiation rites for boys, although the villagers frequently use it interchangeably with unyago. The ritual itself is done separately by sex every year around August in southeast Tanzania when the parents decide to send them, frequently around children around 10 years of age. The boys have a longer ritual staying in the “bush” for circumcisions.
Ethnic group
Work
Wooden mortar, hollowed
out in the center, used for pounding and cleaning grain, and crushing and mixing vegetable foods.
Hamlet (plural vitongoji)
Live
Self-reliance
Development
Everyday life
Formal mourning lasting from three to ten days, where friends sleep in the mourner’s house.
Street venders (plural machinga)
Medicine man (Witchcraft eradicator) (plural waganga) Villagers participating and helping each other to do agriculture (e.g.: cultivation,
Room. Used in specific context as marriage.
A person skilled in any art, crafts, or profession
Teach
Respect (noun, verb) Community
Adult initiation rites for boys, although the villagers frequently use it interchangeably with unyago. The ritual itself is done separately by sex every year around August in southeast Tanzania when the parents decide to send them, frequently around children around 10 years of age. The boys have a longer ritual staying in the “bush” for circumcisions.
Ethnic group
Work
Wooden mortar, hollowed
out in the center, used for pounding and cleaning grain, and crushing and mixing vegetable foods.
Hamlet (plural vitongoji)
Live
Self-reliance
Development
Everyday life
Formal mourning lasting from three to ten days, where friends sleep in the mourner’s house.
Street venders (plural machinga)
Medicine man (Witchcraft eradicator) (plural waganga) Villagers participating and helping each other to do agriculture (e.g.: cultivation,
Mila na desturi
Mtoto
Mzee
Mzimu
Ndoa Ndonya
Ngoma
Pima Tabia Tambiko
Tunza Ujamaa Ukoo Unyago
Utamaduni Zaa
Mzee
Mzimu
Ndoa Ndonya
Ngoma
Pima Tabia Tambiko
Tunza Ujamaa Ukoo Unyago
Utamaduni Zaa
harvest), originally in groups
of ten (kumi) within the
community
Customs and practices Child (plural watoto)
The elderly, with respect (plural wazee), cf. ukubwa Medicine man (spirit shrine keeper)
Marriage
Wood ornaments worn by women on the face between the nose and the mouth Festivals in general, normally with drums and dance. (The original meaning of ngoma is drums)
Measure, test
Behaviors, habits
Making offerings to the spirits of the dead (e.g. oxen, goats, fowls, beer, clothes etc.)
Bring up, care
Extended familyhood
Clan
Adult initiation rites for girls although the villagers frequently use it interchangeably with jando. In southeast Tanzania, girls have a shorter period of unyago staying within the village.
Culture
Bear children
Customs and practices Child (plural watoto)
The elderly, with respect (plural wazee), cf. ukubwa Medicine man (spirit shrine keeper)
Marriage
Wood ornaments worn by women on the face between the nose and the mouth Festivals in general, normally with drums and dance. (The original meaning of ngoma is drums)
Measure, test
Behaviors, habits
Making offerings to the spirits of the dead (e.g. oxen, goats, fowls, beer, clothes etc.)
Bring up, care
Extended familyhood
Clan
Adult initiation rites for girls although the villagers frequently use it interchangeably with jando. In southeast Tanzania, girls have a shorter period of unyago staying within the village.
Culture
Bear children
Kabila
Kazi
Kinu
Kitongoji
Ishi Kujitegemea Maendeleo Maisha Matanga
Mchinga Mganga Mikumi
Kitongoji
Ishi Kujitegemea Maendeleo Maisha Matanga
Mchinga Mganga Mikumi
Jan. 2003
xiii
Frequently used Swahili Words
Source: Created by Soil Service Mtwara project and Rural Integrated Project Support programme, Naliendele Agricultural Research Institute (for the author)
Map 1:
n
Introduction: Social development,
culture, and participation
1. Background
2. Definitions of Key Terminologies 3. The Setting of the Subject
4. The Field of the Research
5. Sources and Methodologies
2. Definitions of Key Terminologies 3. The Setting of the Subject
4. The Field of the Research
5. Sources and Methodologies
1. Background
1.2 Background of the Research
In search of better understanding and improved well-being for people, there have been various theories in social science over many years. As one of these attempts, the importance of social development has been emphasized especially since the 1990s, learning from the past development experiences. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) promoted the concept of human development from the 1990s by redefining development as centering on people rather than simple material growth and as a process of enlarging people’s choices (UNDP 1990), enriching the concept of social development (Nishikawa 1997). In 1995, the World Summit on Social Development (WSSD) put the agendas related to social development such as education, health, employment, and involvement of civil societies as global priorities (UN 1995). However, conceptualizations of human development have not been enough to grasp the messages from the reality level based on people’s culture (Kawada 1997).
On the other hand, the influences and importance of “culture” have been recognized at least for a decade. During the colonial time, “culture” was recognized both as an obstacle and as a facilitator for development. Recognition of “culture” as a tool for “development” has continued in the recent discussion of social capital.
Other schools of thought have interpreted the same phenomena differently. Conflicts between “culture” and “development” are recognized as “resistances” (Scott 1985; 1998)or struggles of people toward external and upper power by school of thought with influence of the dependency theory. On the other hand, “development” internally blooming from the people’s own culture is theorized as endogenous development, as an alternative way of development (Tsurumi 1996). These two schools of thoughts can be described as different paths or situations depending on the extent people are able to participate in the processes of development.
1.2 Background of the Research
In search of better understanding and improved well-being for people, there have been various theories in social science over many years. As one of these attempts, the importance of social development has been emphasized especially since the 1990s, learning from the past development experiences. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) promoted the concept of human development from the 1990s by redefining development as centering on people rather than simple material growth and as a process of enlarging people’s choices (UNDP 1990), enriching the concept of social development (Nishikawa 1997). In 1995, the World Summit on Social Development (WSSD) put the agendas related to social development such as education, health, employment, and involvement of civil societies as global priorities (UN 1995). However, conceptualizations of human development have not been enough to grasp the messages from the reality level based on people’s culture (Kawada 1997).
On the other hand, the influences and importance of “culture” have been recognized at least for a decade. During the colonial time, “culture” was recognized both as an obstacle and as a facilitator for development. Recognition of “culture” as a tool for “development” has continued in the recent discussion of social capital.
Other schools of thought have interpreted the same phenomena differently. Conflicts between “culture” and “development” are recognized as “resistances” (Scott 1985; 1998)or struggles of people toward external and upper power by school of thought with influence of the dependency theory. On the other hand, “development” internally blooming from the people’s own culture is theorized as endogenous development, as an alternative way of development (Tsurumi 1996). These two schools of thoughts can be described as different paths or situations depending on the extent people are able to participate in the processes of development.
Social Development, Culture, and Participation - Introduction (Kumiko Sakamoto)
This thesis will analyze the development processes of a country, which had development
policy objectives close to “social development” and “endogenous development.” The
interpretation of “development” in Tanzania since independence in 1961 at the conceptual
level has been very close to what we now call “social development .” Julius Nyerere, the first
president, emphasized that it was not “things” but “people” who had to be developed
based on their own self-reliance especially in agriculture (Nyerere 1973). He also emphasized
the importance of basic health and education services (with Swahili as the national
language). With self-reliance for agriculture and provision of basic health and education
services as supporting elements, villagization was pursued with the Ujamaa (extended
familyhood) concept representing African socialism (Nyerere 1966, pp. 162-171). The Ujamaa
concept was based on Nyerere’s stance that “culture was the essence and spirit of any
nation” and on his enthusiasm “to seek out the best of the traditions and customs of all our
tribes and make them a part of our national culture” (Nyerere 1966, pp. 186 -187), which can
be related to“endogenous development .” This path that Tanzania indicated attracted some
development specialists’ attention as a model case for endogenous social development,
such as being quoted in the Dag Hammerskjöld Report (1975) as an unique case globally.1
In spite of the noble objectives, the Ujamaa policy on the ground has been repeatedly criticized as a failure not only economically but also socially and culturally. The Ujamaa
villagization process became far from the original concept of self-reliance with consideration to people’s culture: The Government implemented villagization in a top-down fashion in order to effectively move people into villages. Scott (1998) argued that forcing people to live in villages disrupted the accumulated knowledge of the people and created them into mere laborers.
1.3 Background of the Author
While working for development agencies in Tanzania, the author encountered many occasions that “culture” has been recognized as obstacle to “development.” This is the starting point of the problem that will be dealt with in this thesis.
The author worked for UNICEF (the United Nations Children’s Fund) Tanzania, as a community based assistant programme officer in the area of strengthening community based monitoring system during 1994-1996, and as a consultant to strengthen district level monitoring through district profiles during 1996-1997. The location of the duty was residi ng in Dar es Salaam, but the duty required field trips to various districts supported by UNICEF. Within the framework of the organization that had an overall objective of improving the welfare of girls and women, the author observed that different actors mentioned various cultural practices and beliefs as impediments for development. For example, districts mentioned such perspectives within the district statistical profiles (UNICEF 1997) that the author was responsible for.2 Similar perspectives were indicated in other qualitative researches of girls and women that colleagues were involved in(UNICEF 1996). Within the conceptual framework of UNICEF, culture was considered as an influencing element, but the author did not have an opportunity to be deeply involved in the nature of this influencing element to the extent this thesis aims at.
After the assignment with UNICEF, the author worked for the poverty eradication programme funded by UNDP and implemented by the Vice President ’s Office (VPO) within
1 In the report, the term “another development” is used, recognized as within the same category as endogenous social development.
2 See Chapter 1 for details .
June 2003 2
In spite of the noble objectives, the Ujamaa policy on the ground has been repeatedly criticized as a failure not only economically but also socially and culturally. The Ujamaa
villagization process became far from the original concept of self-reliance with consideration to people’s culture: The Government implemented villagization in a top-down fashion in order to effectively move people into villages. Scott (1998) argued that forcing people to live in villages disrupted the accumulated knowledge of the people and created them into mere laborers.
1.3 Background of the Author
While working for development agencies in Tanzania, the author encountered many occasions that “culture” has been recognized as obstacle to “development.” This is the starting point of the problem that will be dealt with in this thesis.
The author worked for UNICEF (the United Nations Children’s Fund) Tanzania, as a community based assistant programme officer in the area of strengthening community based monitoring system during 1994-1996, and as a consultant to strengthen district level monitoring through district profiles during 1996-1997. The location of the duty was residi ng in Dar es Salaam, but the duty required field trips to various districts supported by UNICEF. Within the framework of the organization that had an overall objective of improving the welfare of girls and women, the author observed that different actors mentioned various cultural practices and beliefs as impediments for development. For example, districts mentioned such perspectives within the district statistical profiles (UNICEF 1997) that the author was responsible for.2 Similar perspectives were indicated in other qualitative researches of girls and women that colleagues were involved in(UNICEF 1996). Within the conceptual framework of UNICEF, culture was considered as an influencing element, but the author did not have an opportunity to be deeply involved in the nature of this influencing element to the extent this thesis aims at.
After the assignment with UNICEF, the author worked for the poverty eradication programme funded by UNDP and implemented by the Vice President ’s Office (VPO) within
1 In the report, the term “another development” is used, recognized as within the same category as endogenous social development.
2 See Chapter 1 for details .
June 2003 2
Social Development, Culture, and Participation - Introduction (Kumiko Sakamoto)
the Government of Tanzania, as a monitoring systems consultant in 1997, and as a monitoring
systems expert during 1997-1999. In these assignments, the author participated in the poverty
monitoring task force, which was the spearhead to select relevant poverty monitoring
indicators within the context of Tanzania and designed the institutional framework for poverty
monitoring. In the process of selecting poverty indicators, the task force organized zonal
workshops involving district and regional experts and stakeholders, covering the whole
nation. One of the proposals from the districts and regions that caught my attention, which
was beyond the standard indicators that experts from the central and sectoral level
proposed, was indicators related to traditions and norms. In these zonal workshops, 9 regions
(Arusha, Coast, Dodoma, Iringa, Lindi, Mbeya, Morogoro, Mtwara, and Tanga) out of 20
regions considered people’s traditions and norms as one of the reasons for their poverty. The
results of the zonal workshop were consolidated to propose national poverty indicators and
to mention the regionally selected poverty indicators including the indicators related to
traditions and norms (Tanzania 1999). However, in spite of the recognition of the strong
influence of people’s cul ture on poverty, the nature of the influence was considered as too
complex and sensitive to be monitored through standard indicators or administrative
monitoring systems.
This is how the author nurtured one’s interest in the topic within the “development” context. However, based on the decision that such subject needs to be re-examined independently outside the “development” context, the author chose to investigate it as a researchtopic of this thesis. The author recognizes her own background in international agencies in Tanzania both as a comparative advantage and a bias, which will be elaborated in the section on the limitations of the thesis.
2. Definitions of Key Terminologies
The key terminologies defined here are “development”, “endogenous development”, “social development”, “culture”, and “participation.”
2.1 Development
“Development” has gone through various evolvements through the history. Although the notion of “development” has existed for centuries, the global domination started to be critical in the 1940s after the World War II. A frequently cited benchmark is President Truman’s inaugural address to “develop” the South. During this period, “development” was mainly defined as economic development, eventually becoming a key word for the newly independent countries. The word increased its dimensions of definitions in the 1970s with the notions of basic human needs (BHN) Approach, the New International Economic Order, and alternative development(s). In the 1980s, sustainable development became one of the key points to redefine “development” with the recognition of the environmental degradations. In the 1990s, UNDP proposed “human development” conceptually supported by Sen’s capability approach. Corresponding to these evolvement the “development” definitions , the concept of social development became refined, and its importance was confirmed globally in the Social Summit of 1995.
These histories of “development” diversified the word’s definitions based on the various interests and perspectives. To understand the perspectives of people and villagers in Tanzania, the definition of “development” is crosschecked with people of Lindi Region in this thesis. The Swahili word used in this thesis for development is “maendeleo”, coming from the
This is how the author nurtured one’s interest in the topic within the “development” context. However, based on the decision that such subject needs to be re-examined independently outside the “development” context, the author chose to investigate it as a researchtopic of this thesis. The author recognizes her own background in international agencies in Tanzania both as a comparative advantage and a bias, which will be elaborated in the section on the limitations of the thesis.
2. Definitions of Key Terminologies
The key terminologies defined here are “development”, “endogenous development”, “social development”, “culture”, and “participation.”
2.1 Development
“Development” has gone through various evolvements through the history. Although the notion of “development” has existed for centuries, the global domination started to be critical in the 1940s after the World War II. A frequently cited benchmark is President Truman’s inaugural address to “develop” the South. During this period, “development” was mainly defined as economic development, eventually becoming a key word for the newly independent countries. The word increased its dimensions of definitions in the 1970s with the notions of basic human needs (BHN) Approach, the New International Economic Order, and alternative development(s). In the 1980s, sustainable development became one of the key points to redefine “development” with the recognition of the environmental degradations. In the 1990s, UNDP proposed “human development” conceptually supported by Sen’s capability approach. Corresponding to these evolvement the “development” definitions , the concept of social development became refined, and its importance was confirmed globally in the Social Summit of 1995.
These histories of “development” diversified the word’s definitions based on the various interests and perspectives. To understand the perspectives of people and villagers in Tanzania, the definition of “development” is crosschecked with people of Lindi Region in this thesis. The Swahili word used in this thesis for development is “maendeleo”, coming from the
June 2003 3
Social Development, Culture, and Participation - Introduction (Kumiko Sakamoto)
verb “kwenda” (or “enda”)meaning “to go” (or “go”). This verb is categorized as a word from
Bantu, which is of African origin.
The first President Nyerere frequently used the word “maendeleo” since independence, as the direction and slogan for the new nation. In a paper published by Nyerere on 16 October 1968 entitled “Freedom and Development”, accepted as a party policy paper, he defined maendeleo (development) as increasing people’s freedom (Nyerere 19997, p. 60). He specified this freedom as (a) national freedom, (b) freedom from hunger, disease, and poverty, and (c) personal freedom for individuals (such as to live in dignity and equality, freedom of speech, and freedom to participate) (Nyerere 1997, p. 58).
Within the diverse concepts of “development” born from the history of “development” including that of Nyerere, this thesis will focus on “endogenous development” and “social development” as key concepts. The definitions of these terminologies are as following.
2.1.1 Endogenousdevelopment
The concept of endogenous development is a world vision and an academic methodology in social science, defined by locally defined values, resources, and initiatives. The concept has emerged as the third world gained voice against globalization of external driven development based on the modernization theory, which was a crisis for regional uniqueness (Nishikawa 2001b, p. 42).3
Endogenous development enrooting from diverse cultures has been proposed by Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation and Tsurumi respectively. The three main pillars of endogenous development or “another development” proposed by Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation Report, which was prepared for the Seventh Special Session of the United Nations General Assembly in 1975, were
Based on the discussion around the above three pillars illustrating that endogenous development is diverse processes incorporating cultural inheritance, satisfying BHN, and considering ecological limits, it showed that
3 The endogenous development theory should be differentiated with the endogenous growth theory (or the new growth theory). The endogenous growth theory is a modification of the traditional neoclassical growth theory that credit economic growth to an exogenous technological process. The endogenous growth theory provides a theoretical framework to explain why long-run equilibrium growth can be positive and divergent among countries and why capital tends to flow from poor to rich countries despite the formers low capital-labor ratios (e.g. why free - market reforms imposed on highly indebted countries did not prompt higher investment , rising productivity, and improved standard of living). It analyzes endogenous growth as persistent GNP growth that is determined by the system governing the production process rather than by forces outside that system. Although recognizing the cause of development as embedded within is common between endogenous growth theory and endogenous development, endogenous growth theory rema ins strongly rooted in the neoclassical economics in many ways (Todaro 2000, pp 99-104), whereas the endogenous development theory is not confined to the objective of economic growth or the discipline of economics.
The first President Nyerere frequently used the word “maendeleo” since independence, as the direction and slogan for the new nation. In a paper published by Nyerere on 16 October 1968 entitled “Freedom and Development”, accepted as a party policy paper, he defined maendeleo (development) as increasing people’s freedom (Nyerere 19997, p. 60). He specified this freedom as (a) national freedom, (b) freedom from hunger, disease, and poverty, and (c) personal freedom for individuals (such as to live in dignity and equality, freedom of speech, and freedom to participate) (Nyerere 1997, p. 58).
Within the diverse concepts of “development” born from the history of “development” including that of Nyerere, this thesis will focus on “endogenous development” and “social development” as key concepts. The definitions of these terminologies are as following.
2.1.1 Endogenousdevelopment
The concept of endogenous development is a world vision and an academic methodology in social science, defined by locally defined values, resources, and initiatives. The concept has emerged as the third world gained voice against globalization of external driven development based on the modernization theory, which was a crisis for regional uniqueness (Nishikawa 2001b, p. 42).3
Endogenous development enrooting from diverse cultures has been proposed by Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation and Tsurumi respectively. The three main pillars of endogenous development or “another development” proposed by Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation Report, which was prepared for the Seventh Special Session of the United Nations General Assembly in 1975, were
-
(i) Geared to the satisfaction of needs, beginning with the eradication of poverty;
-
(ii) Endogenous and self-reliant, that is, relying on the strength of the societies which
undertake it; and
-
(iii) In harmony with the environment.
Based on the discussion around the above three pillars illustrating that endogenous development is diverse processes incorporating cultural inheritance, satisfying BHN, and considering ecological limits, it showed that
3 The endogenous development theory should be differentiated with the endogenous growth theory (or the new growth theory). The endogenous growth theory is a modification of the traditional neoclassical growth theory that credit economic growth to an exogenous technological process. The endogenous growth theory provides a theoretical framework to explain why long-run equilibrium growth can be positive and divergent among countries and why capital tends to flow from poor to rich countries despite the formers low capital-labor ratios (e.g. why free - market reforms imposed on highly indebted countries did not prompt higher investment , rising productivity, and improved standard of living). It analyzes endogenous growth as persistent GNP growth that is determined by the system governing the production process rather than by forces outside that system. Although recognizing the cause of development as embedded within is common between endogenous growth theory and endogenous development, endogenous growth theory rema ins strongly rooted in the neoclassical economics in many ways (Todaro 2000, pp 99-104), whereas the endogenous development theory is not confined to the objective of economic growth or the discipline of economics.
June 2003 4
Social Development, Culture, and Participation - Introduction (Kumiko Sakamoto)
(iv) Another development requires structural transformation; and
(v) Immediate action is necessary and possible.
(Hammarskjöld 1975, p. 28)
It recognized that “development” should not be simply an economic process but a complex whole that has to arise endogenously from deep down inside each society. Inspired by the Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation, the UNU (United Nations University) and the UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Culture Organization) further develop the concept through research projects in the 1970s and the 1980s.
Also in the 1970s, Tsurumi defined endogenous development as following:
Endogenous development has a common objective for all human being to create enabling pre- conditions of all people and groups to satisfy basic needs and to realize the possibilities as humans. This also includes the transformation of the structure that widens the domestic and international gaps. The significance of endogenous development is that the route to the objective and the model of society to be created is based on diverse processes of social change. ... The path to realize the objectives should take into consideration their natural environment and cultural inheritance. (Tsurumi 1996, p. 9, translated by the author)
Endogenous development considers diverse development patterns and pluralistic values as a premise, and it aims not only at simpl e production of things but development of humans and societies. It theorizes a development pattern that recognizes the importance of satisfying BHN of every individual through valuing people’s free choice. Thus, endogenous development is measured not simply by economic growth, but with satisfaction of BHN and space for people’s participation diversified by local conditions (Nishikawa 2001, p. 43).
Nishikawa (2000, p.17) further analyzed the following four characteristics with reference to the three main pillars of the Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation Report and the researches of UNESCO and UNU:
(1) Endogenous development necessitates a paradigm shift in economics and sets the
development of holistic humans as the overriding objective instead of “homo
economics . ”
(2) Endogenous development denies external and dominated development and aims at creating symbiotic societies with characteristics of sharing and human liberation.
(3) The organizational structure of endogenous development is related to participation, co-operation, and self - management.
(4) Endogenous development is based on regional decentralization and ecological systems, and characterized by self-reliance and sustainability.
Nishikawa 2000, p. 17, translated by the author
In reference to the previous researches, this thesis will propose the following points as conditions for endogenous development . Firstly , culture should be considered as the basis for endogenous development. Secondly, ecology and history should be considered as creator of culture. Thirdly, these endogenous participations (including self-reliance) should be incorporated in development processes. Fourthly, diverse agencies should beconsidered the engine for endogenous development. These endogenous perspectives will be analyzed in
(Hammarskjöld 1975, p. 28)
It recognized that “development” should not be simply an economic process but a complex whole that has to arise endogenously from deep down inside each society. Inspired by the Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation, the UNU (United Nations University) and the UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Culture Organization) further develop the concept through research projects in the 1970s and the 1980s.
Also in the 1970s, Tsurumi defined endogenous development as following:
Endogenous development has a common objective for all human being to create enabling pre- conditions of all people and groups to satisfy basic needs and to realize the possibilities as humans. This also includes the transformation of the structure that widens the domestic and international gaps. The significance of endogenous development is that the route to the objective and the model of society to be created is based on diverse processes of social change. ... The path to realize the objectives should take into consideration their natural environment and cultural inheritance. (Tsurumi 1996, p. 9, translated by the author)
Endogenous development considers diverse development patterns and pluralistic values as a premise, and it aims not only at simpl e production of things but development of humans and societies. It theorizes a development pattern that recognizes the importance of satisfying BHN of every individual through valuing people’s free choice. Thus, endogenous development is measured not simply by economic growth, but with satisfaction of BHN and space for people’s participation diversified by local conditions (Nishikawa 2001, p. 43).
Nishikawa (2000, p.17) further analyzed the following four characteristics with reference to the three main pillars of the Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation Report and the researches of UNESCO and UNU:
(1) Endogenous development necessitates a paradigm shift in economics and sets the
development of holistic humans as the overriding objective instead of “homo
economics . ”
(2) Endogenous development denies external and dominated development and aims at creating symbiotic societies with characteristics of sharing and human liberation.
(3) The organizational structure of endogenous development is related to participation, co-operation, and self - management.
(4) Endogenous development is based on regional decentralization and ecological systems, and characterized by self-reliance and sustainability.
Nishikawa 2000, p. 17, translated by the author
In reference to the previous researches, this thesis will propose the following points as conditions for endogenous development . Firstly , culture should be considered as the basis for endogenous development. Secondly, ecology and history should be considered as creator of culture. Thirdly, these endogenous participations (including self-reliance) should be incorporated in development processes. Fourthly, diverse agencies should beconsidered the engine for endogenous development. These endogenous perspectives will be analyzed in
June 2003 5
Social Development, Culture, and Participation - Introduction (Kumiko Sakamoto)
relation to the satisfaction of BHN (especially in Chapter 3). Through the analysis of these
conditions, endogenous development in Tanzania will be theorized.
2.1.2 Socialdevelopment
The original definition of “social development” during the 1960s and 1970s was mainly the social infrastructure to support economic development. This corresponds with the mainstream “development” during this period focusing on economic development. From the end 1970s to the 1980s, social development starts to include satisfaction of BHN using new development strategies with people’s participation. The conceptualization of human development in the 1990s, to broaden the choices of people, is also closely related to the foundation of the social development concept (Nishikawa 1997; Sakamoto 1997).
The 1995 Copenhagen Social Summit emphasized “social development” as a global imperative. In the Report of the World Summit for Social Development, definition of “social development” can be read from the following passage:
We gather here to commit ourselves, our Governments and our nations to enhancing social development through the world so that all men and women, especially those living in poverty, may exercise the rights, utilize the resources and share the responsibilities that enable them to lead satisfying lives and to contribute to the well-being of their families, their communities and human kind. To support and promote these efforts must be the overriding goals of the international community, especially with respect to people suffering from poverty, unemployment and social exclusion. (United Nations 1995, p. 3)
The objectives of social development can be summarized as ensuring poverty eradication, full employment, and social integration. With these three main pillars, social development evolves to include the following 10 commitments of the Social Summit:
relation to the satisfaction of BHN (especially in Chapter 3). Through the analysis of these
conditions, endogenous development in Tanzania will be theorized.
2.1.2 Socialdevelopment
The original definition of “social development” during the 1960s and 1970s was mainly the social infrastructure to support economic development. This corresponds with the mainstream “development” during this period focusing on economic development. From the end 1970s to the 1980s, social development starts to include satisfaction of BHN using new development strategies with people’s participation. The conceptualization of human development in the 1990s, to broaden the choices of people, is also closely related to the foundation of the social development concept (Nishikawa 1997; Sakamoto 1997).
The 1995 Copenhagen Social Summit emphasized “social development” as a global imperative. In the Report of the World Summit for Social Development, definition of “social development” can be read from the following passage:
We gather here to commit ourselves, our Governments and our nations to enhancing social development through the world so that all men and women, especially those living in poverty, may exercise the rights, utilize the resources and share the responsibilities that enable them to lead satisfying lives and to contribute to the well-being of their families, their communities and human kind. To support and promote these efforts must be the overriding goals of the international community, especially with respect to people suffering from poverty, unemployment and social exclusion. (United Nations 1995, p. 3)
The objectives of social development can be summarized as ensuring poverty eradication, full employment, and social integration. With these three main pillars, social development evolves to include the following 10 commitments of the Social Summit:
-
Creating an economic, political, social, cultural and legal environment to enable social
development
-
Era dicating poverty in the world
-
Promoting full employment
-
Promoting social integration ... based on protection of human rights,
non-discrimination, ... and participation of all people
-
Equity between women and men
-
Universal education, ... health; respecting and promoting our common and particular
cultures; preserving the essential bases of people-centered sustainable development; and contributing to the full development of human resources to social development. The purpose of these activities is to eradiate poverty, promote full and productive employment and foster social integration
-
Accelerating the economic, social and human resource development of Africa and
the least developed countries
-
Ensure ... structural adjustment programme ... to include socia l development goals, in
particular eradicating poverty, promoting full employment, and enhancing social
integration
-
Increase ... resources allocated to social development
-
Improved framework for international, regional and sub-regional cooperation for social
development
June 2003 6
Social Development, Culture, and Participation - Introduction (Kumiko Sakamoto)
In reference to the above, social development can be defined as satisfaction of BHN
through and for participation. The objectives to reduce poverty, unemployment, and social
exclusion are emphasized with the recognition that special attention is needed in these areas
to satisfy BHN and to ensure people’s participation. These issues will be discussed mainly in
Chapter 3.
In the social development concept, the importance of culture is mentioned as the sixth commitment, as “respecting and promoting our common and particular cultures.” Furthermore, this is implicitly underlined by the emphasis of participation of civil society. However, the role of culture can be more explicit and incorporated within the social development concept. This thesis will propose considering development enrooting from people’s endogenous culture as an essential condition for social development especially in Chapters 1 and 3.
2.2 Culture
The word culture is originally from the Latin word cultura, which means “cultivation.” In the middle ages, scholars cultivated ones heart and used the word culture as “development of the heart.” This concept developed into “psychological culture” in the 17th century. The meaning turns into “sophisticated mode of life” in the 18th and 19th century. In the 20th century, the dominant definition of culture becomes “mode of life in the respective social groups” (Tanase 1959, pp. 18-19).
Up to the present, numerous academics from various aspects have defined culture. Kroeber and Kluckhohn reviewed the history of the word culture and categorized the various definitions of culture. The categorizations are as following:
A: DESCRIPTION: Broad definitions with emphasis on enumeration of content B: HISTORICAL: Emphasis on social heritage or tradition
C: NORMATIVE:
C-I: Emphasis on rule or way
C-II: Emphasis on ideals or values plus behavior D: PSYCHOLOGICAL
D-I: Emphasis on adjustment, on culture as a problem- solving device D-II: Emphasis on learning
D-III: Emphasis on habit
D-IV: Purely psychological definitions
E: STRUCTURAL: Emphasis on pattering or organization of culture F: GENERIC:
F-I: Emphasis on culture as a product or artifact F-II: Emphasis on ideas
F-III: Emphasis on symbols
F-IV: Residual category definitions
G: IMCOMPLETE DEFINITIONS (Kroeber and Kluckhohn, 1952)
With the recognition of the diverse definitions of “culture”, the thesis will consider the definition “the way of life followed by a community or society, based on a common value system” under the “NORMATIVE” category as an entry point (with some reference to
In the social development concept, the importance of culture is mentioned as the sixth commitment, as “respecting and promoting our common and particular cultures.” Furthermore, this is implicitly underlined by the emphasis of participation of civil society. However, the role of culture can be more explicit and incorporated within the social development concept. This thesis will propose considering development enrooting from people’s endogenous culture as an essential condition for social development especially in Chapters 1 and 3.
2.2 Culture
The word culture is originally from the Latin word cultura, which means “cultivation.” In the middle ages, scholars cultivated ones heart and used the word culture as “development of the heart.” This concept developed into “psychological culture” in the 17th century. The meaning turns into “sophisticated mode of life” in the 18th and 19th century. In the 20th century, the dominant definition of culture becomes “mode of life in the respective social groups” (Tanase 1959, pp. 18-19).
Up to the present, numerous academics from various aspects have defined culture. Kroeber and Kluckhohn reviewed the history of the word culture and categorized the various definitions of culture. The categorizations are as following:
A: DESCRIPTION: Broad definitions with emphasis on enumeration of content B: HISTORICAL: Emphasis on social heritage or tradition
C: NORMATIVE:
C-I: Emphasis on rule or way
C-II: Emphasis on ideals or values plus behavior D: PSYCHOLOGICAL
D-I: Emphasis on adjustment, on culture as a problem- solving device D-II: Emphasis on learning
D-III: Emphasis on habit
D-IV: Purely psychological definitions
E: STRUCTURAL: Emphasis on pattering or organization of culture F: GENERIC:
F-I: Emphasis on culture as a product or artifact F-II: Emphasis on ideas
F-III: Emphasis on symbols
F-IV: Residual category definitions
G: IMCOMPLETE DEFINITIONS (Kroeber and Kluckhohn, 1952)
With the recognition of the diverse definitions of “culture”, the thesis will consider the definition “the way of life followed by a community or society, based on a common value system” under the “NORMATIVE” category as an entry point (with some reference to
June 2003 7
Social Development, Culture, and Participation - Introduction (Kumiko Sakamoto)
“DESCRIPTION” and “GENERIC” categories). However, it will focus on culture as manifestation
(which relates to “PSYCHOLOGICAL” category) in Chapter 1, and it will focus on the
“HISTORICAL” and “STRUCTURAL” categories in Chapter 2.
Having said that, we will crosscheck the definitions of “culture” based on how the people of Tanzania define “culture” i n Chapter 4. The Swahili word for culture “Utamaduni” used in this research originates from an Arabic word tamaddun (ÉjÇW) “civilization” or “refinement of social culture” (Bosha 1993, p.242), with its original verb form maddana (ÉkÆ ) “to found cities, civilize, urbanize” and other commonly used forms madina (UÊÖkÆ) “town” and madani (ØÊkÆ) “urban, civilized” (Cowan 1976, pp. 888-889). The word utamaduni has been used in this thesis due to the reason that it is most commonly used in the present Swahili context in Tanzania for “culture”, described in Swahili by the people as “mila na desturi (customs and practices).” The author interprets this transition of the meaning from the original Arabic tamaddun to the Swahili utamadunithat “customs and practices” were the major manifestation of civilization in the Tanzanian Swahili context.
2.3 Participation
Recognition of the importance of participation
Participation started to be discussed since the 1960s or before, but it generally referred to people’s involvement only in small scale such as in particular projects. The importance of participation in holistic development processes has been promoted by school of thought initially arguing that “culture” should be analyzed for people. This idea later transformed to the idea that “culture” should be analyzed by the people for their own development processes.
The initially proposed method in the 1970s to the 1980s was Rapid Rural Appraisal (RRA), which outsiders analyzed people’s culture mostly for specific projects. In the 1980s and the 1990s, this idea was replaced by Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) and Participatory Poverty Assessment (PPA) with the argument that people or the poor should be the main analyzers of their own situation andthat outsiders should have a role only as facilitators or animators. Later on, Participatory Action Research (PAR) has been sought especially in Latin America to actively involve people in generating knowledge about their own conditions and how it can be improved; it aimed at stimulat ing social and economic changes based on the awakening of common people and empowering the oppressed. (Chamber 1997, pp. 107-115)
These transitions of ideas had time lags to be accepted in the global arena and on the ground. However, “participation” gradually becomes recognized as one of the keys for success in most international development organization including the World Bank (1996). In Africa, theater becomes one of the methods for the people to express their situations (Dale 1999); theater was also utilized by development organizations such as UNICEF. UNDP (1993) also took up “participation” as the annual theme in Human Development Report 1993 and defined participation as people “closely involved in the economic, social, cultur al and political processes that affect their lives” (p. 21). This will be the main definition of “participation” in the discussions of Part 2.
The importance of participation has also been recognized in research methods. The term “participatory research” was first used by Marja-Liisa Swantz in the early 1970s to draw on the knowledge and expertise of communities when creating locally controlled projects in Tanzania; later the term “PAR” was used by Fals-Borda to describe similar efforts with attention to social change in Latin America (Brydon Miller 2001, p. 77). Survey and structural qualitative researches, which experts undergo with objectives to efficiently extract objective facts, have
Having said that, we will crosscheck the definitions of “culture” based on how the people of Tanzania define “culture” i n Chapter 4. The Swahili word for culture “Utamaduni” used in this research originates from an Arabic word tamaddun (ÉjÇW) “civilization” or “refinement of social culture” (Bosha 1993, p.242), with its original verb form maddana (ÉkÆ ) “to found cities, civilize, urbanize” and other commonly used forms madina (UÊÖkÆ) “town” and madani (ØÊkÆ) “urban, civilized” (Cowan 1976, pp. 888-889). The word utamaduni has been used in this thesis due to the reason that it is most commonly used in the present Swahili context in Tanzania for “culture”, described in Swahili by the people as “mila na desturi (customs and practices).” The author interprets this transition of the meaning from the original Arabic tamaddun to the Swahili utamadunithat “customs and practices” were the major manifestation of civilization in the Tanzanian Swahili context.
2.3 Participation
Recognition of the importance of participation
Participation started to be discussed since the 1960s or before, but it generally referred to people’s involvement only in small scale such as in particular projects. The importance of participation in holistic development processes has been promoted by school of thought initially arguing that “culture” should be analyzed for people. This idea later transformed to the idea that “culture” should be analyzed by the people for their own development processes.
The initially proposed method in the 1970s to the 1980s was Rapid Rural Appraisal (RRA), which outsiders analyzed people’s culture mostly for specific projects. In the 1980s and the 1990s, this idea was replaced by Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) and Participatory Poverty Assessment (PPA) with the argument that people or the poor should be the main analyzers of their own situation andthat outsiders should have a role only as facilitators or animators. Later on, Participatory Action Research (PAR) has been sought especially in Latin America to actively involve people in generating knowledge about their own conditions and how it can be improved; it aimed at stimulat ing social and economic changes based on the awakening of common people and empowering the oppressed. (Chamber 1997, pp. 107-115)
These transitions of ideas had time lags to be accepted in the global arena and on the ground. However, “participation” gradually becomes recognized as one of the keys for success in most international development organization including the World Bank (1996). In Africa, theater becomes one of the methods for the people to express their situations (Dale 1999); theater was also utilized by development organizations such as UNICEF. UNDP (1993) also took up “participation” as the annual theme in Human Development Report 1993 and defined participation as people “closely involved in the economic, social, cultur al and political processes that affect their lives” (p. 21). This will be the main definition of “participation” in the discussions of Part 2.
The importance of participation has also been recognized in research methods. The term “participatory research” was first used by Marja-Liisa Swantz in the early 1970s to draw on the knowledge and expertise of communities when creating locally controlled projects in Tanzania; later the term “PAR” was used by Fals-Borda to describe similar efforts with attention to social change in Latin America (Brydon Miller 2001, p. 77). Survey and structural qualitative researches, which experts undergo with objectives to efficiently extract objective facts, have
June 2003 8
Social Development, Culture, and Participation - Introduction (Kumiko Sakamoto)
been criticized as top-down and inflexible to empower the poor. Even within participatory
methods of research with more flexibility, “extractive PRA” tends to have a top-down decision
making structures in comparison to “empowering PRA” and participatory action research,
which are initiated by the poor with goals of social change (Mbilinyi and Rajani 2001).
Participation in what and by whom? The issue of agencies
As “participation” gained acceptance by various actors, differentiation of top-down participation and bottom-up participation started to be emphasized. According to Mallya (1998), participation can be top-down in “traditional participation” or “consultative participation” with agenda set by outsiders, mutual in “partnership participation” with agenda set jointly, or bottom-up in “partnership participation” with agenda set by challengers. Kikula (1999) categorized seven typology of participation: manipulative participation, passive participation, participation by consultation, participation for material incentive, functional participation, interactive participation, and self-mobilization. The question of “participation in what?” is paused, especially focusing on how the agenda is set. Conceptually, this difference has been defined between PRA and PAR especially in Latin America. However, in the global development context, thisdifference has not been digested and need to be reemphasized.
Furthermore, people started to be recognized as active agents with subjectivity rather than passive recipient of welfare. Although there are overlaps between the agency approach and the welfare approach, the shift, which is seen especially in the women’s movement, recognizes the dynamic promoter of social transformation that can alter their lives (Sen 2001, pp. 189-192). The concept of agency regards people as responsible human agents who can take action based on their free will, differentiating from simple behavior (Taylor 1985, pp. 15-16; Bishop 1989, pp. 10-14).4 In consideration to the agency approach, the diversities between agencies also become prevalent and lead to the question of “who participates?” In this thesis, the agencies will be especially focused in Part 2 (introduction) and Conclusions at the mezzo level, and in Chapter 4 at the micro level. On the other hand, Chapter 3 will include perspectives of the welfare approach at the macro level.
There are also related arguments on the relationships between structure and agency: Marxist (Callinicos 1987, pp. 9-12) and dependency theory over-emphasized the structure within the making of history and did not recognize the power of agencies. Also in the context of Tanzania, Green (2000) questioned the belief that change of methods (with participation) will bring about social change based on people’s own knowledge, and she argued that institutional structural change for participation is necessary for agency to be effected. This thesis will take the stance that both structure and agency matters: The model introduced in Chapter 2 will illustrate how the two are inter-related. The structural elements will be further elaborated in Chapter 3 within the context of Tanzania in general at the macro level. The perspectives and strategies of the diverse agencies will be demonstrated at the micro level in Chapter 4. The present institutional set up, which enable or disable these agencies within the structure, will be introduced in Part 2, and recommendations will be made for an enabling environment in the conclusions.
4 In this thesis, the word “agency/agencies” will be used to express the action based on their free will. The word “agent(s)” will refer to the person(s) who act based on their free will. The word “actor(s) ” may be used to refer to a person(s) in a neutral sense, regardless of their actions based on free will.
Participation in what and by whom? The issue of agencies
As “participation” gained acceptance by various actors, differentiation of top-down participation and bottom-up participation started to be emphasized. According to Mallya (1998), participation can be top-down in “traditional participation” or “consultative participation” with agenda set by outsiders, mutual in “partnership participation” with agenda set jointly, or bottom-up in “partnership participation” with agenda set by challengers. Kikula (1999) categorized seven typology of participation: manipulative participation, passive participation, participation by consultation, participation for material incentive, functional participation, interactive participation, and self-mobilization. The question of “participation in what?” is paused, especially focusing on how the agenda is set. Conceptually, this difference has been defined between PRA and PAR especially in Latin America. However, in the global development context, thisdifference has not been digested and need to be reemphasized.
Furthermore, people started to be recognized as active agents with subjectivity rather than passive recipient of welfare. Although there are overlaps between the agency approach and the welfare approach, the shift, which is seen especially in the women’s movement, recognizes the dynamic promoter of social transformation that can alter their lives (Sen 2001, pp. 189-192). The concept of agency regards people as responsible human agents who can take action based on their free will, differentiating from simple behavior (Taylor 1985, pp. 15-16; Bishop 1989, pp. 10-14).4 In consideration to the agency approach, the diversities between agencies also become prevalent and lead to the question of “who participates?” In this thesis, the agencies will be especially focused in Part 2 (introduction) and Conclusions at the mezzo level, and in Chapter 4 at the micro level. On the other hand, Chapter 3 will include perspectives of the welfare approach at the macro level.
There are also related arguments on the relationships between structure and agency: Marxist (Callinicos 1987, pp. 9-12) and dependency theory over-emphasized the structure within the making of history and did not recognize the power of agencies. Also in the context of Tanzania, Green (2000) questioned the belief that change of methods (with participation) will bring about social change based on people’s own knowledge, and she argued that institutional structural change for participation is necessary for agency to be effected. This thesis will take the stance that both structure and agency matters: The model introduced in Chapter 2 will illustrate how the two are inter-related. The structural elements will be further elaborated in Chapter 3 within the context of Tanzania in general at the macro level. The perspectives and strategies of the diverse agencies will be demonstrated at the micro level in Chapter 4. The present institutional set up, which enable or disable these agencies within the structure, will be introduced in Part 2, and recommendations will be made for an enabling environment in the conclusions.
4 In this thesis, the word “agency/agencies” will be used to express the action based on their free will. The word “agent(s)” will refer to the person(s) who act based on their free will. The word “actor(s) ” may be used to refer to a person(s) in a neutral sense, regardless of their actions based on free will.
June 2003 9
Social Development, Culture, and Participation - Introduction (Kumiko Sakamoto)
Diagram 0-1: Problems, Assumptions, and Structure of the Thesis
Objective: Toward theorizing social development with endogenous perspectives
Objective: Toward theorizing social development with endogenous perspectives
Condition 1
Recognition of culture as basis for endogenous development
Recognition of culture as basis for endogenous development
The Problem
Recognizing culture as obstacle from the development perspective in Tanzania
Introduction and Chapter 1
Recognizing culture as obstacle from the development perspective in Tanzania
Introduction and Chapter 1
Problem 1
The role of culture needs to be re-conceptualized in the development context
Part 2
Development and culture reconsidered in the context of Tanzania
The role of culture needs to be re-conceptualized in the development context
Part 2
Development and culture reconsidered in the context of Tanzania
Problem 2
Participation and diverse endogenous agencies were not sufficiently emphasized in development processes
Part 2
Social development with endogenous perspectives in Tanzania
Participation and diverse endogenous agencies were not sufficiently emphasized in development processes
Part 2
Social development with endogenous perspectives in Tanzania
Assumption 1
Culture should be recognized as the basis for development
Chapter 1
Re-conceptualizing "development" and the role of "culture"
Culture should be recognized as the basis for development
Chapter 1
Re-conceptualizing "development" and the role of "culture"
Assumption 3
Endogenous perspectives as condition for social development
Chapter 3
Tanzania's policies re-examined: Impacts on social development
Endogenous perspectives as condition for social development
Chapter 3
Tanzania's policies re-examined: Impacts on social development
Assumption 2
Diverse ecological system, history, and agencies create culture
Chapter 2
Creation and diversities of "culture" in Tanzania
Diverse ecological system, history, and agencies create culture
Chapter 2
Creation and diversities of "culture" in Tanzania
C o n d ition 3
People's endogenous participation in development processes
People's endogenous participation in development processes
Assumption 4
Diverse agencies realize endogenous development
Chapter 4
Participation in development and culture
Diverse agencies realize endogenous development
Chapter 4
Participation in development and culture
C o n d ition 2
Ecology, structure, and agencies as creator of culture
Ecology, structure, and agencies as creator of culture
Condition 4
D ialogue between diverse agencies
D ialogue between diverse agencies
Assumption 5
Enabling environment and space for participation is needed
Part 2 and Conclusions
Enabling environment and space for participation is needed
Part 2 and Conclusions
Condition 5
Structural change & empowerment of agencies are necessary
Conclusions
Toward theorizing endogenous social development
Structural change & empowerment of agencies are necessary
Conclusions
Toward theorizing endogenous social development
Source: Created by the author
June 2003 10
June 2003 10
Social Development, Culture, and Participation - Introduction (Kumiko Sakamoto)
3. The Setting of the Subject
As mentioned through the background of the author, the starting point of the problem of the thesis is that “culture” expressed by traditions, norms, customs, and beliefs of people are recognized as obstacles to “development” (“The Problem” in Diagram 0-1). The Problem has been demarcated in to two folds: Problem 1 is that the role of culture needs to be re-conceptualized in the development concepts; Problem 2 is that participation and diverse endogenous agencies were not sufficiently emphasized in the development processes. Problem 1 is discussed in Part 1, and Problem 2 is discussed in Part 2.
In order to tackle these problems and with reference to the previous researches on endogenous development, five assumptions have been made. Assumption 1 conceptualizes culture as“manifestation” instead of“tool” that culture should be recognized as the basis of development. This assumption will be dealt in Chapter 1 by conceptual reviews of literatures. Firstly, the author categorizes and conceptualizes schools of thought discussing the role of“culture” through the literature review of “development” and the role of “culture.” Based on the analysis, the author proposes an alternative way of perceiving “culture” within the development perspective that relationships between “culture” and “development” are manifestations of development processes: (a) A top-down process will create resistances and conflicts between development and culture; and (b) a participatory process will lead to endogenous development. The issue of diverse agencies and their participation will also be paused as a key for social change. Thi s analysis points at a broader framework of the problem: the insufficient recognition of participation and diverse endogenous agencies in the development processes (Problem 2 in Diagram 0-1); and the assumption that top -down processes would most likely to have discrepancies (Assumption 3).
Looking into the ecological and historical influences on culture, Assumption 2 relates to the creation of the dynamics and diversities of culture and agency. With the case of Tanzania, Chapter 2 will illustrate the dynamics and diversities of culture with the assumption that “culture” is created based on respective ecological systems, structured through exogenous historical encounters, and selected based on agencies. Although a national identity as “Tanzanians” generally exists, the diversities of the “cultures” and identities between geographical locations, sex, and age are also prevalent. Furthermore, the plural identities even within one individual are also observed. Based on these analysis, recognizing the ecological s ystems, exogenous structure, and endogenous agencies as creator of culture will be provided as one of the conditions for endogenous development. These illustrations (and the case study of Chapter 4) will provide examples of the diverse agencies. Chapters 1 and 2 constitute Part 1 with the objective to reconsider development and culture in the context of Tanzania.
Assumptions 3 and 4 are related to considering participation and recognition of diverse endogenous agencies as conditions for social development (Problem 2). As introduction to Problem 2, space for agents’ participation in social development in Tanzania will be introduced. At the macro level, the thesis argues that top-down or exogenous processes cannot sustain social development and that endogenous perspective should be considered as an essential condition for social development (Assumption 3). As discussion of Assumption 3, Chapter 3 will evaluate the endogenous nature of policies after independence and its influences on social development. The analysis will be done both for time series trend (analyzing state-led and market-led policies) and geographical disparities. As conclusion, top-down state-led processes nor exogenous market -led processes did not bring sustainable social development but marginalizated of specific regions. The failure of social development
As mentioned through the background of the author, the starting point of the problem of the thesis is that “culture” expressed by traditions, norms, customs, and beliefs of people are recognized as obstacles to “development” (“The Problem” in Diagram 0-1). The Problem has been demarcated in to two folds: Problem 1 is that the role of culture needs to be re-conceptualized in the development concepts; Problem 2 is that participation and diverse endogenous agencies were not sufficiently emphasized in the development processes. Problem 1 is discussed in Part 1, and Problem 2 is discussed in Part 2.
In order to tackle these problems and with reference to the previous researches on endogenous development, five assumptions have been made. Assumption 1 conceptualizes culture as“manifestation” instead of“tool” that culture should be recognized as the basis of development. This assumption will be dealt in Chapter 1 by conceptual reviews of literatures. Firstly, the author categorizes and conceptualizes schools of thought discussing the role of“culture” through the literature review of “development” and the role of “culture.” Based on the analysis, the author proposes an alternative way of perceiving “culture” within the development perspective that relationships between “culture” and “development” are manifestations of development processes: (a) A top-down process will create resistances and conflicts between development and culture; and (b) a participatory process will lead to endogenous development. The issue of diverse agencies and their participation will also be paused as a key for social change. Thi s analysis points at a broader framework of the problem: the insufficient recognition of participation and diverse endogenous agencies in the development processes (Problem 2 in Diagram 0-1); and the assumption that top -down processes would most likely to have discrepancies (Assumption 3).
Looking into the ecological and historical influences on culture, Assumption 2 relates to the creation of the dynamics and diversities of culture and agency. With the case of Tanzania, Chapter 2 will illustrate the dynamics and diversities of culture with the assumption that “culture” is created based on respective ecological systems, structured through exogenous historical encounters, and selected based on agencies. Although a national identity as “Tanzanians” generally exists, the diversities of the “cultures” and identities between geographical locations, sex, and age are also prevalent. Furthermore, the plural identities even within one individual are also observed. Based on these analysis, recognizing the ecological s ystems, exogenous structure, and endogenous agencies as creator of culture will be provided as one of the conditions for endogenous development. These illustrations (and the case study of Chapter 4) will provide examples of the diverse agencies. Chapters 1 and 2 constitute Part 1 with the objective to reconsider development and culture in the context of Tanzania.
Assumptions 3 and 4 are related to considering participation and recognition of diverse endogenous agencies as conditions for social development (Problem 2). As introduction to Problem 2, space for agents’ participation in social development in Tanzania will be introduced. At the macro level, the thesis argues that top-down or exogenous processes cannot sustain social development and that endogenous perspective should be considered as an essential condition for social development (Assumption 3). As discussion of Assumption 3, Chapter 3 will evaluate the endogenous nature of policies after independence and its influences on social development. The analysis will be done both for time series trend (analyzing state-led and market-led policies) and geographical disparities. As conclusion, top-down state-led processes nor exogenous market -led processes did not bring sustainable social development but marginalizated of specific regions. The failure of social development
June 2003 11
Social Development, Culture, and Participation - Introduction (Kumiko Sakamoto)
was especially prevalent during the period endogenous nature was relatively lacking.
Therefore, people’s endogenous participation in the development process should be
considered as an essencial condition for social development.
Based on the assumption that diverse agencies realize development (Assumption 4), Chapter 4 analyzes how people evaluate “development” policies, through their conceptualization of the relationships between “development ” and “culture. ” The case is from Lindi Region where it is typically believed that their “culture” is an obstacle to “development.” The alternative perspective proposed through Assumption 1 and Chapter 1 was used to understand the relationships between “development” and “culture”: (a) Where there is conflict between development and culture, there are resistances of the people toward the development processes; and (b) where there is harmonization between development and culture, there are roots for endogenous development. This analysis will be combined with differentiating agencies within the society between women and men, young and old, based on the understanding that there are disparities in social exclusion and inclusion. By applying these perspectives, this thesis will lead to conclusions on how development processes succeeded in incorporating people’s culture into the development processes and on how it failed to do so creating a gap between policy and the people. Based on the analysis of diverse agencies, the chapter concludes that endogenous initiative and dialogue between agencies should be considered a condition for social development with endogenous perspectives.
Summarizing the discussions in Parts 1 and 2, the thesis will conclude on conditions for social development with endogenous perspectives. Firstly, discussions on Assumption 1 in Chapter 1 provide a condition that culture should be recognized as a basis for endogenous development. Secondly, the illustrations in Chapter 2 on Assumption 2 provide a case for recognizing diverse ecologies, histories, and agencies as creator of culture. Thirdly, analysis in Chapter 3 in relation to Assumption 3 concludes that people’s endogenous participation in the development processes should be recognized as an essential condition. Fourthly, a case study in Chapter 4 in relation to Assumption 4 indicates that recognition of diverse endogenous agencies and dialogue between diverse agencies should be considered a condition. Lastly, from the discussions and analysis of space for participation in Parts 1 and 2, structural change and empowerment of agencies will be argued as necessary for endogenous development .
4. The Field of the Research
The field of the research is Tanzania and Lindi Region (in southeastern Tanzania), accompanied by general theory. The main reason for selecting Tanzania as a case study is due to the reason that Tanzania has been putting emphasis on development and culture. National policy of Tanzania since independence emphasized that development should be based on people and their culture with emphasis on the social sector, which is closely related to the concept of social development with endogenous perspectives.
The thesis will take up Lindi Region as a case study, which is one of the 20 regions in the southeast, north of Mtwara Region (Map 1). Lindi Region has the following characteristics. Firstly, it is considered as one of the poorest region in the present “development” context.5
5 Lindi region is considered as one of the “poorest ” among the 20 regions of Tanzania (Tanzania 1999). However, the definitions of poverty are diverse and relative; therefore, there are eternal debates if Lindi should be considered as one of the poorest or not. More on these poverty indicators in Chapter 3.
Based on the assumption that diverse agencies realize development (Assumption 4), Chapter 4 analyzes how people evaluate “development” policies, through their conceptualization of the relationships between “development ” and “culture. ” The case is from Lindi Region where it is typically believed that their “culture” is an obstacle to “development.” The alternative perspective proposed through Assumption 1 and Chapter 1 was used to understand the relationships between “development” and “culture”: (a) Where there is conflict between development and culture, there are resistances of the people toward the development processes; and (b) where there is harmonization between development and culture, there are roots for endogenous development. This analysis will be combined with differentiating agencies within the society between women and men, young and old, based on the understanding that there are disparities in social exclusion and inclusion. By applying these perspectives, this thesis will lead to conclusions on how development processes succeeded in incorporating people’s culture into the development processes and on how it failed to do so creating a gap between policy and the people. Based on the analysis of diverse agencies, the chapter concludes that endogenous initiative and dialogue between agencies should be considered a condition for social development with endogenous perspectives.
Summarizing the discussions in Parts 1 and 2, the thesis will conclude on conditions for social development with endogenous perspectives. Firstly, discussions on Assumption 1 in Chapter 1 provide a condition that culture should be recognized as a basis for endogenous development. Secondly, the illustrations in Chapter 2 on Assumption 2 provide a case for recognizing diverse ecologies, histories, and agencies as creator of culture. Thirdly, analysis in Chapter 3 in relation to Assumption 3 concludes that people’s endogenous participation in the development processes should be recognized as an essential condition. Fourthly, a case study in Chapter 4 in relation to Assumption 4 indicates that recognition of diverse endogenous agencies and dialogue between diverse agencies should be considered a condition. Lastly, from the discussions and analysis of space for participation in Parts 1 and 2, structural change and empowerment of agencies will be argued as necessary for endogenous development .
4. The Field of the Research
The field of the research is Tanzania and Lindi Region (in southeastern Tanzania), accompanied by general theory. The main reason for selecting Tanzania as a case study is due to the reason that Tanzania has been putting emphasis on development and culture. National policy of Tanzania since independence emphasized that development should be based on people and their culture with emphasis on the social sector, which is closely related to the concept of social development with endogenous perspectives.
The thesis will take up Lindi Region as a case study, which is one of the 20 regions in the southeast, north of Mtwara Region (Map 1). Lindi Region has the following characteristics. Firstly, it is considered as one of the poorest region in the present “development” context.5
5 Lindi region is considered as one of the “poorest ” among the 20 regions of Tanzania (Tanzania 1999). However, the definitions of poverty are diverse and relative; therefore, there are eternal debates if Lindi should be considered as one of the poorest or not. More on these poverty indicators in Chapter 3.
June 2003 12
Population (1988) 2 1 3 2
Ethnic Mwera
group(s)**
2 0 3 9
Mwera
Muslim Inland Farming Rice,
Mai ze, Cassava Cashew,
Sesame
Muslim Inland Farming Rice,
Mai ze, Cassava Cashew,
Sesame
Mwera (Makonde &
Yao)
Muslim (& Christian)
Muslim (& Christian)
2209
Makonde (Nyasa& Yao)
Muslim (& Christian)
Coast Fishing
Millet, Cassava, Maize, Fish
Fish, Cashew, Pigeon pea, Sesame, groundnuts, beans
Makonde (Nyasa& Yao)
Muslim (& Christian)
Coast Fishing
Millet, Cassava, Maize, Fish
Fish, Cashew, Pigeon pea, Sesame, groundnuts, beans
2254
Mwera + Makonde =Machinga Muslim
Coast
Fishing
Millet, Cassava, Maize Fish
Fish, Cashew, Sesame, Coconuts
Mwera + Makonde =Machinga Muslim
Coast
Fishing
Millet, Cassava, Maize Fish
Fish, Cashew, Sesame, Coconuts
Religion**
Location
Livelihood
Food crops:
Cash crops:
Cash crops:
Muslim (& Christian)
Inland
Farming
Millet, Maize, Cassava, Pigeon pea, Kunde***
Cashew, Sesame
Farming
Millet, Maize, Cassava, Pigeon pea, Kunde***
Cashew, Sesame
Social Development, Culture, and Participation - Introduction (Kumiko Sakamoto)
Secondly, in the 1970s, the southeastern regions including Lindi Region were regions that
“Ujamaa” villagization was experimented at the early stages in large scale.6 Thirdly, since the
year 1000, Kilwa, which is located within Lindi Region, was the important center of Swahili
Culture.7 These characteristics are interoperated differently depending on the perspective.
Development perspectives tend to blame the “Swahili” culture in Lindi for resisting
development and creating poverty. 8 On the other hand, previous researches on the
southeast argue that continuous top-down policies created poverty upon people and the
regions. These conflicting views of the relationships between development and culture are
the main reason for selecting Lindi Region for the case of this thesis.
Due to the diversities within Tanzania, this case is not representative of the county. However, its characteristics are relevant to asses how “Swahili ” culture and Ujamaa policy played roles (or did not play roles) in endogenous social development.
Lindi District existed since the German and British Colonial Rule (Mascarenhas 1971; Thomas 1971), but it became part of Mtwara Region after independence. Lindi became a region in 1971 when Mtwara Region was divided into two regions: Mtwara and Lindi. Presently, Lindi Region consists of six districts: Kilwa, Lindi Rural, Lindi Urban, Liwale, Nachingwea, and Ruangwa, covering 67,000 km2. The 1988 national census indicated that Lindi Region had a population of about 646,000 (Tanzania 1997).
Within Lindi Region, five sites in three districts were selected for the field research, representing various characteristics indicated in Table 0-1 (locations in Map 1). In order to complement the rural field research, additional interviews were done in another rural district (Kilwa District), capital town of Lindi Region (Lindi Urban), and the largest city in Tanzania (Dar es Salaam) to enable comparison with urban perspectives.
Due to the diversities within Tanzania, this case is not representative of the county. However, its characteristics are relevant to asses how “Swahili ” culture and Ujamaa policy played roles (or did not play roles) in endogenous social development.
Lindi District existed since the German and British Colonial Rule (Mascarenhas 1971; Thomas 1971), but it became part of Mtwara Region after independence. Lindi became a region in 1971 when Mtwara Region was divided into two regions: Mtwara and Lindi. Presently, Lindi Region consists of six districts: Kilwa, Lindi Rural, Lindi Urban, Liwale, Nachingwea, and Ruangwa, covering 67,000 km2. The 1988 national census indicated that Lindi Region had a population of about 646,000 (Tanzania 1997).
Within Lindi Region, five sites in three districts were selected for the field research, representing various characteristics indicated in Table 0-1 (locations in Map 1). In order to complement the rural field research, additional interviews were done in another rural district (Kilwa District), capital town of Lindi Region (Lindi Urban), and the largest city in Tanzania (Dar es Salaam) to enable comparison with urban perspectives.
Table 0-1: Research Villages and their Major Characteristics
Region
District
Ward Villages
Established Previously:
Ward Villages
Established Previously:
Ruangwa
Mbekenyera Mbekenye Naunambe
ra
1974
Relatively new village*
Mbekenyera Mbekenye Naunambe
ra
1974
Relatively new village*
Nachingwea
Naipanga Naipanga
1968
Individuals living apart
5066
Makonde, Mwera, Makua (& Yao)
Muslim & Christian Inland
Farming
Maize, Cassava, Millet
Cashew,
Sesame,
Groundnuts, (Cassava)
Naipanga Naipanga
1968
Individuals living apart
5066
Makonde, Mwera, Makua (& Yao)
Muslim & Christian Inland
Farming
Maize, Cassava, Millet
Cashew,
Sesame,
Groundnuts, (Cassava)
Lindi
Rutamba
Rutamba ya Rutamba ya Sasa Zamani
1974
Have been an old village as Rutamba Village*
2424 3666
Rutamba
Rutamba ya Rutamba ya Sasa Zamani
1974
Have been an old village as Rutamba Village*
2424 3666
Note: *Due to the common history, the 2 villages are dealt as one village for sampling in this research ;
** ( ) In brackets indicate minority ethnic groups and religion in the village. *** Kunde is a kind of beans.
** ( ) In brackets indicate minority ethnic groups and religion in the village. *** Kunde is a kind of beans.
Source: Created by the author based on information from Village Governments and fieldresearch during July-August 2001; URT 1988.
6 The Ujamaa villagization was carried out as one of the earliest experiments in the southeast, as an
emergency measure for the Mozambican war situation (Voipio 1998, pp. 82-84; Swantz 1998, p.173).
7 The “Swahili” culture flourished along the coast and spread along the caravan route (Map 2; Chapter 2).
8 For example, in the process of selecting poverty indicators in consultation with district and regional officials and experts, all coastal regions (Tanga, Coast, Lindi, and Mtwara), which have strong Swahili influence, proposed indicators related to traditions and customs as one of the poverty indicators for the respective regions (Tanzania 1999) . More on this in Chapters 1 and 3.
7 The “Swahili” culture flourished along the coast and spread along the caravan route (Map 2; Chapter 2).
8 For example, in the process of selecting poverty indicators in consultation with district and regional officials and experts, all coastal regions (Tanga, Coast, Lindi, and Mtwara), which have strong Swahili influence, proposed indicators related to traditions and customs as one of the poverty indicators for the respective regions (Tanzania 1999) . More on this in Chapters 1 and 3.
June 2003 13
Lindi (Rural)
Sudi
Sudi
1972
1972
Mchinga
Mchinga II
1977
1977
Have been a village since “Long time
ago”
Social Development, Culture, and Participation - Introduction (Kumiko Sakamoto)
The scopes of the chapters are as follows. Chapter 1 is a review of theoretical concepts,
therefore, is not limited to Tanzania. Chapter 2 discusses about Tanzania in general,
complimented with first hand information from Lindi Region. Chapter 3 discusses about
Tanzania in general with aggregated data, supplemented by disaggregated data by region
and district where available. Chapter 4 is based on a case study of Lindi Region. Conclusion
summarizes the discussions from all scopes: Lindi Region, Tanzania, and in general.
5. Sources and Methodologies
Sources
The research is multi-methodological, and both qualitative and quantitative approaches through desk and field researches are taken. Desk research includes literature review and data analysis using existing sources and primary sources. Field research includes village field research in Lindi Region and interviews in Tanzania (Lindi Region and Dar es Salaam). The village field research consists of group discussions, individual interviews, information collection, and observations in villages of Lindi Region. Although not directly related to theresearch, the author’s working experience in Tanzania has been beneficial in understanding the development context of Tanzania.9
Field researches
As preliminary preparation of the research, over 33 people were consulted and interviewed (flexible) in Tanzania during February to March 2001. 10 After further preparation including desk research, over 89 people were consulted and interviewed (flexible) during July to August 2001, mostly in Lindi Region.
The village field research took the style of Participatory Rural Assessments (PRA), emphasizing people’s participation and ownership in the process of information collection, underlining the importance of the people’s knowledge and mutual learning. In consultation with key actors within the region, the author planned the contents of the field research and identified PRA trained Tanzanian facilitators based in Lindi Region for the overall facilitation and parts of the interview.11 The author was present throughout the exercise, facilitated group discussions, and interviewed individuals.12
For the village field research, about 40 villagers with consideration to their sex and age were selected per site through the ward/village government. The village sample aimed at ten
9 The authorworked in Tanzania with UNICEF during 1994-1997 and with UNDP and Vice President’s Office (VPO) during 1997-1999, residing in Dar es Salaam. Short term consultancy was also done for JICA in August 2000. The field research has been possible based on good working relationships established, especially with Lindi Region and RIPS during the work with UNDP and VPO.
10 The author applied for a research permit from COSTECH during this trip.
11 The facilitators were mostly affiliated to the region or the district Government. In Ruangwa and Nachingwea Regions, a senior facilitator (a retired regional agricultural officer, trained as a PRA
facilitator, retired and living in the area) had a network of “trained” facilitators in each district. In Lindi Region, the Regional Government recommended “trained ” facilitators who lived in, and knew the villages. The“training” of the facilitators differedaccordingto the individual, and some were more conscience about the value and ownership of the people’s knowledge than others. The selection of the facilitators wasdependent on the availability in each area, and their sex could not be fully considered as a condition. Even in consideration to the fact that villagers may consider facilitators as part of the Government, it was useful to work with the facilitators due to their knowledge of the area and their“training of PRA”, compared to an outsider (author) going alone un-introduced, or going with an untrained government officer.
12 Except during parts of the interviews in Sudi and Mchinga II Villages. June 2003 14
5. Sources and Methodologies
Sources
The research is multi-methodological, and both qualitative and quantitative approaches through desk and field researches are taken. Desk research includes literature review and data analysis using existing sources and primary sources. Field research includes village field research in Lindi Region and interviews in Tanzania (Lindi Region and Dar es Salaam). The village field research consists of group discussions, individual interviews, information collection, and observations in villages of Lindi Region. Although not directly related to theresearch, the author’s working experience in Tanzania has been beneficial in understanding the development context of Tanzania.9
Field researches
As preliminary preparation of the research, over 33 people were consulted and interviewed (flexible) in Tanzania during February to March 2001. 10 After further preparation including desk research, over 89 people were consulted and interviewed (flexible) during July to August 2001, mostly in Lindi Region.
The village field research took the style of Participatory Rural Assessments (PRA), emphasizing people’s participation and ownership in the process of information collection, underlining the importance of the people’s knowledge and mutual learning. In consultation with key actors within the region, the author planned the contents of the field research and identified PRA trained Tanzanian facilitators based in Lindi Region for the overall facilitation and parts of the interview.11 The author was present throughout the exercise, facilitated group discussions, and interviewed individuals.12
For the village field research, about 40 villagers with consideration to their sex and age were selected per site through the ward/village government. The village sample aimed at ten
9 The authorworked in Tanzania with UNICEF during 1994-1997 and with UNDP and Vice President’s Office (VPO) during 1997-1999, residing in Dar es Salaam. Short term consultancy was also done for JICA in August 2000. The field research has been possible based on good working relationships established, especially with Lindi Region and RIPS during the work with UNDP and VPO.
10 The author applied for a research permit from COSTECH during this trip.
11 The facilitators were mostly affiliated to the region or the district Government. In Ruangwa and Nachingwea Regions, a senior facilitator (a retired regional agricultural officer, trained as a PRA
facilitator, retired and living in the area) had a network of “trained” facilitators in each district. In Lindi Region, the Regional Government recommended “trained ” facilitators who lived in, and knew the villages. The“training” of the facilitators differedaccordingto the individual, and some were more conscience about the value and ownership of the people’s knowledge than others. The selection of the facilitators wasdependent on the availability in each area, and their sex could not be fully considered as a condition. Even in consideration to the fact that villagers may consider facilitators as part of the Government, it was useful to work with the facilitators due to their knowledge of the area and their“training of PRA”, compared to an outsider (author) going alone un-introduced, or going with an untrained government officer.
12 Except during parts of the interviews in Sudi and Mchinga II Villages. June 2003 14
Social Development, Culture, and Participation - Introduction (Kumiko Sakamoto)
each for the four focus groups: older (above 50 years of age) women, older men, younger
(from 15 to 40s) women, and younger men. Total of 190 villagers participated and 187 were
interviewed in the five sites (Table 0-2). Both qualitative and quantitative information were
obtained through groups and individuals, but qualitative methods through groups were
emphasized to understand the context and dynamics. Due to this emphasis on the
qualitative aspects, sex and age differences were carefully considered, but the quantity of
the sample to enable statistical significance had secondary importance.
The actual field research in one site took about two days in average in August 2001 during the dry season. After introduction of the research topic, about half a day was spent as focus groups discussing daily time use of each sex/age group in dry and rainy seasons. Proceeding presentations and discussions in a combined forum, seasonal calendar of crops, and cultural festivals were drawn. The rest of the day and in most cases the morning of the next day were spent on individual interviews. The individual interviews were (semi -) structured based on the questionnaire including comprehensive questions to individuals about: the interviewee; her/his family; everyday life; and perceptions on utamaduni (culture), maendeleo (development) and participation.13
Table 0-2: Number of Women and Men Participated/Interviewed in the Research, by age
The actual field research in one site took about two days in average in August 2001 during the dry season. After introduction of the research topic, about half a day was spent as focus groups discussing daily time use of each sex/age group in dry and rainy seasons. Proceeding presentations and discussions in a combined forum, seasonal calendar of crops, and cultural festivals were drawn. The rest of the day and in most cases the morning of the next day were spent on individual interviews. The individual interviews were (semi -) structured based on the questionnaire including comprehensive questions to individuals about: the interviewee; her/his family; everyday life; and perceptions on utamaduni (culture), maendeleo (development) and participation.13
Table 0-2: Number of Women and Men Participated/Interviewed in the Research, by age
|
Participated in group discussions
|
Interviewed (including participated)
|
||||||||||||
|
Sex
|
Female
|
Male
|
Total
|
Female
|
Male
|
Total
|
|||||||
|
District
|
Village / Age
|
15-40s
|
50-
|
15-40s
|
50-
|
15-29
|
30-49
|
50-
|
15-29
|
30-49
|
50-
|
||
|
Ruangwa
|
Mbekenyera &
Naunambe
|
9
|
7
|
12
|
11
|
39
|
1
|
9
|
6
|
1
|
10
|
11
|
38
|
|
Nachingwe
|
Naipanga
|
10
|
9
|
11
|
10
|
40
|
4
|
7
|
8
|
2
|
9
|
10
|
40
|
|
Lindi (R)
|
Rutamba (ya
Zamani & Sasa)
|
10
|
8
|
10
|
10
|
38
|
9
|
6
|
1
|
8
|
9
|
33
|
|
|
Sudi
|
7
|
7
|
10
|
11
|
35
|
4
|
4
|
6
|
2
|
7
|
15
|
38
|
|
|
Mchinga II
|
10
|
9
|
10
|
9
|
38
|
6
|
4
|
8
|
9
|
11
|
38
|
||
|
Sub-total of 5 villages
|
46
|
40
|
53
|
51
|
190
|
15
|
33
|
34
|
6
|
43
|
56
|
187
|
|
|
Kilwa
|
3
|
1
|
2
|
3
|
1
|
10
|
|||||||
|
Lindi (Urban)
|
14
|
1
|
5
|
8
|
28
|
||||||||
|
Dar es Salaam
|
|
5
|
6
|
2
|
3
|
4
|
3
|
23
|
|||||
|
Sub-total (by sex and age)
|
46
|
40
|
53
|
51
|
190
|
37
|
41
|
36
|
11
|
55
|
68
|
248
|
|
|
Total (by sex)
|
86
|
104
|
114
|
134
|
|||||||||
Note: There is a lack of representation of older women, especially in the coast (Kilwa, Lindi Urban, Sudi, and Mchinga II),
which can be criticized as a bias of the sample. It also indicates the atmosphere that disable older women to speak in
public.
Source: Created by the author from the field research and interviews during July-August 2001
Source: Created by the author from the field research and interviews during July-August 2001
13 The questionnaire was reviewed and revised based on variouscomments. The first working draft of
the questionnaire was drafted in English by the author and translated into Swahili by Mwalimu Esta.
The Swahili version of the questionnaire was broadly shared, reviewed by experts in Tanzania
(especially Lindi Region) and revised accordingly. The interview was basically structured, but
semi-structured interviews were also done when the author was the interviewer.
June 2003 15
Social Development, Culture, and Participation - Introduction (Kumiko Sakamoto)
The main exercise of the second day was focus group discussions per four sex and age
groups on “maendeleo (development) and utamaduni (culture).” Fourteen out of twenty
group discussions were facilitators of the same sex as the focus groups. Each focus group
presented their discussions in a joint forum.14
For additional individual interviews to 61 people in Kilwa District, Lindi Urban, and Dar es Salaam, the author explained the intentions and the questions to identified interviewers and delegated the work. The sample was selected in consideration to their sex and age (15 -29, 30-49, and above 50 years). Total of 248 people were interviewed (including interviews from the five sites) as indicated in Table 0-2. Seventy-two percent of the interviews were done by the interviewers of the same sex as the interviewee. The field research and the interviews were crosschecked by second hand observations obtained through informal interviews, literatures, and the author’s observations and working/residing experiences (1994-1999; Aug. 2000).
Limitations
There are a few limitations to the field research in relation to the sample, the limited time, and relationship between the research team and the villages. The population that participated in the group discussions are 190 women and men in 5 villages of 3 rural districts (out of 4 rural districts) in Lindi Region, and the population that were interviewed are 248 women and men in 5 rural villages and 3 urban centers in Lindi Region. The field research is not meant to generalize for Tanzania, Lindi Region, districts, or villages but to provide one of many perspectives in Lindi Region.
The limited time in each village (2 days per village during the dry season) is also a limitation of the fieldresearch. The author evaluates some of the findings on qualitative and seasonality influenced aspects in the questionnaire, especially income, as unreliable and have not used it in the analysis of the thesis. On the other hand, the field research was relevant to capture qualitative perspectives of the villagers, which was the main purpose.
Perhaps the largest limitation of the field research was the fact that findings relied on the subjective arguments expressed by the villagers, which is likely to have been influenced by the relationship between the research team and the researched. Firstly, as mentioned previously, the author worked in UN agencies supporting the Government during 1994-1999, and in spite of the knowledge and networks it enabled, it created a by-product to be considered as a “development agent.” Additionally, the author went through legitimate processes of obtaining research permit from COSTECH, resident permit from immigration to allow research in the villages, letter of recommendation from the Regional Government to the District Government, and introduction from the District Governments to the Village Government s. Furthermore, the author is inevitably considered to be “foreign.” Therefore, it is natural that the villagers perceive the author as a “foreign (ex-)development agent with close relation to the Government”, reserving their radical criticisms about “development” and the Governme nt, or exaggerating their problems based on their interests.
Secondly, most of the PRA facilitators and many of the interviewers were affiliated to the Government, most of them highly educated. The involvement of the Village Government in the selection of participants would have probably limited radical criticisms toward the Government in spite of the considerations made to avoid bias on particular social groups. As
14 The indicated order and timing of the exerciseis a model plan and was flexiblyorganized to match the village conveniences . Accessibility was drawn accordingto the availability of time.
For additional individual interviews to 61 people in Kilwa District, Lindi Urban, and Dar es Salaam, the author explained the intentions and the questions to identified interviewers and delegated the work. The sample was selected in consideration to their sex and age (15 -29, 30-49, and above 50 years). Total of 248 people were interviewed (including interviews from the five sites) as indicated in Table 0-2. Seventy-two percent of the interviews were done by the interviewers of the same sex as the interviewee. The field research and the interviews were crosschecked by second hand observations obtained through informal interviews, literatures, and the author’s observations and working/residing experiences (1994-1999; Aug. 2000).
Limitations
There are a few limitations to the field research in relation to the sample, the limited time, and relationship between the research team and the villages. The population that participated in the group discussions are 190 women and men in 5 villages of 3 rural districts (out of 4 rural districts) in Lindi Region, and the population that were interviewed are 248 women and men in 5 rural villages and 3 urban centers in Lindi Region. The field research is not meant to generalize for Tanzania, Lindi Region, districts, or villages but to provide one of many perspectives in Lindi Region.
The limited time in each village (2 days per village during the dry season) is also a limitation of the fieldresearch. The author evaluates some of the findings on qualitative and seasonality influenced aspects in the questionnaire, especially income, as unreliable and have not used it in the analysis of the thesis. On the other hand, the field research was relevant to capture qualitative perspectives of the villagers, which was the main purpose.
Perhaps the largest limitation of the field research was the fact that findings relied on the subjective arguments expressed by the villagers, which is likely to have been influenced by the relationship between the research team and the researched. Firstly, as mentioned previously, the author worked in UN agencies supporting the Government during 1994-1999, and in spite of the knowledge and networks it enabled, it created a by-product to be considered as a “development agent.” Additionally, the author went through legitimate processes of obtaining research permit from COSTECH, resident permit from immigration to allow research in the villages, letter of recommendation from the Regional Government to the District Government, and introduction from the District Governments to the Village Government s. Furthermore, the author is inevitably considered to be “foreign.” Therefore, it is natural that the villagers perceive the author as a “foreign (ex-)development agent with close relation to the Government”, reserving their radical criticisms about “development” and the Governme nt, or exaggerating their problems based on their interests.
Secondly, most of the PRA facilitators and many of the interviewers were affiliated to the Government, most of them highly educated. The involvement of the Village Government in the selection of participants would have probably limited radical criticisms toward the Government in spite of the considerations made to avoid bias on particular social groups. As
14 The indicated order and timing of the exerciseis a model plan and was flexiblyorganized to match the village conveniences . Accessibility was drawn accordingto the availability of time.
June 2003 16
Social Development, Culture, and Participation - Introduction (Kumiko Sakamoto)
discussed in Chapter 4, some agitations of discussions by the facilitators were also observed.15
Although it is possible to argue the benefits of the link to the Government administrative
system that it enables feedback of the research at various administrative levels as a diverse
form of bottom up process, it is also considered as a critical limitation to capture the
endogenous voices of the people. This relationship between the research team and the
researched is a possible limitation of the PRA methodology itself. This may have been
accelerated by the fact that the question or agenda was already set (although flexible) and
that it was not participatory action-oriented research. The author attempted to overcome
this deficit by including the analysis of the relationship between the researcher and the
researched.
Methodologies per chapter
Each of the chapter has different emphasis of the methodology according to the focus. Table 0-3 summarizes the structure of the thesis along with the methodology.
Following this introduction, Part 1 (consisting of Chapters 1 and 2) will rethink about “development” and the role of “culture.” Chapter 1 will re-conceptualize the topic within the general and theoretical scope through literature review. Chapter 2 will review the creation and diversities of “culture” in Tanzania through literature review supplemented by the field research from Lindi Region.
Part 2 (consisting of Chapters 3 and 4) will assess the extent of endogenous social development in Tanzania. Chapter 3 will evaluate the social development of Tanzania, focusing on the impact of national policies since independence on social development. The analysis will be mainly for Tanzania in general, supplemented with regional analysis through data analysis and literature review.
Chapter 4 will analyze participation in development and culture from the people’s perspective of Lindi Region. This chapter is based on primary information collected through village field research (especially group discussions, complimented by flexible and semi-structural individual interviews) and observations (primary and secondary) in Tanzania. As conclusion of the thesis, the discussions will be summarized in order to theorize the concept of social development with endogenous perspective.
Table 0-3: Structure of the Thesis
Methodologies per chapter
Each of the chapter has different emphasis of the methodology according to the focus. Table 0-3 summarizes the structure of the thesis along with the methodology.
Following this introduction, Part 1 (consisting of Chapters 1 and 2) will rethink about “development” and the role of “culture.” Chapter 1 will re-conceptualize the topic within the general and theoretical scope through literature review. Chapter 2 will review the creation and diversities of “culture” in Tanzania through literature review supplemented by the field research from Lindi Region.
Part 2 (consisting of Chapters 3 and 4) will assess the extent of endogenous social development in Tanzania. Chapter 3 will evaluate the social development of Tanzania, focusing on the impact of national policies since independence on social development. The analysis will be mainly for Tanzania in general, supplemented with regional analysis through data analysis and literature review.
Chapter 4 will analyze participation in development and culture from the people’s perspective of Lindi Region. This chapter is based on primary information collected through village field research (especially group discussions, complimented by flexible and semi-structural individual interviews) and observations (primary and secondary) in Tanzania. As conclusion of the thesis, the discussions will be summarized in order to theorize the concept of social development with endogenous perspective.
Table 0-3: Structure of the Thesis
|
Part
|
Chapter
|
Title
|
Scope/focus Method/source
|
|
Introduction
|
Social development, culture, and participation
|
1. General
2. Tanzania
|
|
|
I
|
Development and culture in the context of Tanzania
|
||
|
1
|
Re-conceptualizing “ development” and the role
of “culture”
|
General (theoretical) Literature review
|
|
|
2
|
Creation and diversities of “culture” in Tanzania
|
1. Tanzania 1. Literature review
2. Lindi Region
2. Field research
(Interviews; observations)
|
|
|
II
|
Social development with endogenous perspective in Tanzania
|
||
|
3
|
Tanzania ’s policies re -examined: Impacts on
social development
|
1. Tanzania
2. Lindi Region (Coastal regions)
- Data analysis
- Literature review |
|
|
4
|
Participation in development and culture: From
the people’s diverse agencies in Lindi Region
|
1. Lindi Region
2. Tanzania
Village field research:
- Groups discussions
- Interviews - Observations |
|
|
Conclusion
|
Toward theorizing social development with
endogenous perspective
|
1. Lindi Region
2. Tanzania
3. General |
|
Source: Formulated by the author.
15 For example, there were a few incidents where facilitator(s) attempted to convince villagers that excessive consumption in festivals or polygamy were negative for development.
15 For example, there were a few incidents where facilitator(s) attempted to convince villagers that excessive consumption in festivals or polygamy were negative for development.
June 2003 17
Social Development, Culture, and Participation - Introduction (Kumiko Sakamoto)
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Byam, L. Dale (1999) Community in Motion: Theatre for development in Africa, Bergin & Garvey, Westport
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Chambers, Robert (1997) Whose Reality Counts? Putting the first last, Intermediate Technology Publications, London
Chataway, Cynthia J. (2001) “Negotiating the Observer-Observed Relationship: Participatory action r esearch”, in Deborah L. Tolman and Mary Brydon-Miller (eds.), From Subjects to Subjectivities, New York University Press
Cowan, J. M. (ed.) (1976) Arabic-EnglishDictionary:TheHansWehrdictionaryofmodernw rittenArabic, Spoken Language Services, Ithaca
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Hammarskjöld, Dag, Foundation (1975) “What Now?: The 1975 Dag Hammarskjöld report” (prepared on the occasion of the Seventh Special Session of the United Nations General Assembly, published as a special issue of the Hammarskjöld Foundation journal], Development Dialogue, Nos. 1-2, Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation, Uppasala
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Kroeber, A. L. and Clyde Kluckhohn (1952)Culture: A critical review of concepts and definitions, Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology University, Cambridge, MA
Mallya, Ernest T. (1998, March) Participation, Good Governance and Poverty Reduction in Tanzania, a draft paper submitted to the ESRF for the Investment for Poverty-Reducing Employment (IPRE) Study, Economic and Social Research Foundation (ESRF), Dar es Salaam
Mascarenhas, Adolfo (1971) “The German Administration”, in L. Berry (ed.), Tanzania in Maps, University of London Press, pp. 106-107
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Social Development, Culture, and Participation - Introduction (Kumiko Sakamoto)
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McPhail, Robyn and David E. Ward (1988) Morality and Agency, University Press of America,
Lanham, MD
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Thomas, Ian (1971)“Administrative areas, 1867” and “Evolution of the administrative framework, 1919-61”, in L. Berry (ed.), Tanzania in Maps , University of London Press, pp. 14-15, 108-109
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Nyerere, J. K. (1968) FreedomandSocialism(UhurunaUjamaa):Aselectionfromwritingsandspeeches 1965-1967, Oxford University Press, Dar es Salaam
Nyerere, J. K. (1973)FreedomandDevelopment(UhurunaMaendeleo):Aselectionfromwritingsand speeches 1968-1973, Oxford University Press, Dar es Salaam
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Scott, James C. (1985)Weapons of the Weak: Everyday forms of peasant resistance, Yale University Press, New Haven
Scott, James C. (1998)SeeinglikeaState:Howcertainschemestoimprovethehumanconditionshave failed, Yale University Press, New Haven
Sen, Amartya (2000) Development as Freedom , Alfred A. Knopf, New York
Speight, Allen (2001) Hagel, Literature and the Problem of Agency, Cambridge University Press
S w a n z , M a r j a- L i i s a ( 1 9 9 8 ) “ N o t e s o n R e s e a r c h o n W o m e n a n d t h e i r S t r a t e g i e s f o r S u s t a i n e d Livelihood in Southern Tanzania”, in Pekka Seppälä and Bertha Koda (eds.), The Making of a Periphery, Nordic Africa Institute, Uppsala, pp. 157-194
Tanase, Joji (1959)“Definition of Culture”, in Hideo Kishimoto (ed.),
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Tanzania, United Republic of, VPO (Vice President’s Office) (1999) Poverty and Welfare Monitoring Indicators, Vice President ’s Office, Dar es Salaam
Taylor, Charles (1985) Human Agency and Language: Philosophical papers, Cambridge University Press
Thomas, Ian (1971)“Administrative areas, 1867” and “Evolution of the administrative framework, 1919-61”, in L. Berry (ed.), Tanzania in Maps , University of London Press, pp. 14-15, 108-109
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Social Development, Culture, and Participation - Introduction (Kumiko Sakamoto)
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June 2003 20
Summary and Conclusions: Toward
theorizing endogenous development
1. Summary
Ujamaa was conceptually considered as harmonization between “development” and “culture.” However, closer scrutiny disclosed conflicts between “development” and “culture” in this policy through its top-down approach (The problem). Furthermore, present development perspectives perceived “culture” a tool for “development”, either as an obstacle or as a facilitator. In order to re-conceptualize the role of culture in the development context (Problem 1), an alternative perspective was proposed through Chapter 1. The perspective was based on the assumption that culture should be recognized as the basis for development (Assumption 1), understanding the relationships between “development” and “culture” as manifestations: Where there are conflicts between development and culture, there are resistances of the people toward the development processes; where there are harmonization between development and culture, there are roots for endogenous social development. The analysis theoretically indicated that culture should be recognized as the basis forendogenous social development (Condition 1).
Chapter 2 analyzed how “culture” of Tanzania was created from the diverse ecological systems, endogenous and exogenous social processes, and diverse agencies ( Assumption 2). Within the different natural environments, societies mingled, interacted (or did no interact) with the Arabs, became colonized, and then gained independence, creating layers of their identities. The layer created from the interactions between Africans and Arabs on the coast was the “Swahili” culture, which spread with the Islam religion along the caravan route and trading towns, and then spread with theSwahili language nation-wide coating other cultures. During colonial rule, Swahili language spread, but sensitive relationships with the Islam population with strong “Swahili” influence existed. During the British colonial rule, “tribal” culture was revived, but in an inflexible manner that had discrepancies with the fluid reality. After independence, “national culture” was created. Lindi Region is one of the coastal areas with the strong “Swahili” influence, but analysis showed that identities were diverse and consisting of multiple layers such as “Swahili”, Muslim, and national identities. Through this illustration of cultural creation in Tanzania, recognizing ecology, social structure, and diverse agencies as creator of culture have been identified as condition for endogenous social development (Condition 2).
1. Summary
Ujamaa was conceptually considered as harmonization between “development” and “culture.” However, closer scrutiny disclosed conflicts between “development” and “culture” in this policy through its top-down approach (The problem). Furthermore, present development perspectives perceived “culture” a tool for “development”, either as an obstacle or as a facilitator. In order to re-conceptualize the role of culture in the development context (Problem 1), an alternative perspective was proposed through Chapter 1. The perspective was based on the assumption that culture should be recognized as the basis for development (Assumption 1), understanding the relationships between “development” and “culture” as manifestations: Where there are conflicts between development and culture, there are resistances of the people toward the development processes; where there are harmonization between development and culture, there are roots for endogenous social development. The analysis theoretically indicated that culture should be recognized as the basis forendogenous social development (Condition 1).
Chapter 2 analyzed how “culture” of Tanzania was created from the diverse ecological systems, endogenous and exogenous social processes, and diverse agencies ( Assumption 2). Within the different natural environments, societies mingled, interacted (or did no interact) with the Arabs, became colonized, and then gained independence, creating layers of their identities. The layer created from the interactions between Africans and Arabs on the coast was the “Swahili” culture, which spread with the Islam religion along the caravan route and trading towns, and then spread with theSwahili language nation-wide coating other cultures. During colonial rule, Swahili language spread, but sensitive relationships with the Islam population with strong “Swahili” influence existed. During the British colonial rule, “tribal” culture was revived, but in an inflexible manner that had discrepancies with the fluid reality. After independence, “national culture” was created. Lindi Region is one of the coastal areas with the strong “Swahili” influence, but analysis showed that identities were diverse and consisting of multiple layers such as “Swahili”, Muslim, and national identities. Through this illustration of cultural creation in Tanzania, recognizing ecology, social structure, and diverse agencies as creator of culture have been identified as condition for endogenous social development (Condition 2).
1. Summary
-
Role of Agents: Formation of development strategies with endogenous perspectives
-
Conclusions: Conditions for endogenous social development
Social Development, Culture, and Participation – Summary and Conclusions (Kumiko Sakamoto)
In relation to “The problem”, Part 2 analyzed the problem that participation and diverse
endogenous agencies were not sufficiently emphasized in the development processes
(Problem 2). As introduction, the social exclusion and inclusion of agents in formal institutions
and other spaces at the mezzo level are introduced.
Chapter 3 analyzed the extent social development with endogenous perspective was realized in Tanzania at the macro level, with the assumption that endogenous perspective should be considered as an essential condition for social development (Assumption 3).1 Firstly, time series analysis indicated that both state-led (Ujamaa ) and market -led (structural adjustment) policies were predominantly exogenous for the people, and social development focusing on the BHN have not been sustained. However, relatively better performance in social development was seen during the period when endogenous nature was relatively prevalent . Furthermore, there are some expectations for the pr esent pro-poor reforms for future endogenous social development with interactive dialogue between domestic and external agents, decreased dependency, poverty focus, and people-centered governance. Secondly, analysis of geographical disparities indicated that the regions with strong Swahili influences were lagging in terms of social development and that it was a result of the ecological systems and exogenous marginalization. The analysis indicated that endogenous perspectives should be considered as a condition for social development, proposing people’s endogenous participation in development processes as an essential condition for endogenous social development (Condition 3).
Based on the assumption that diverse agencies realize endogenous development (Assumption 4), endogenous perspectives of “development” at the micro level in Lindi Region were assessed in Chapter 4. Perspectives of “development ” and “culture” were analyzed differentiating between women and men, young and old, from the understanding that women and youth were excluded from participating in formal institutions of governance. According to the analysis, women utilized “development” against “culture” violating their welfare, and they also used “cultural ” networks at the mezzo level as space for participating in social processes. On the other hand, many young men denied “culture” and found space outside existing village networks. Relatively speaking, rural women and older people found continuity between the ecological system and historical knowledge in comparison to younger men or urban people. Based on Assumption 4 and this analysis, dialogue between diverse agencies are proposed as Condition 4.
2. Role of Agents: Formation of development
strategies with endogenous perspectives
Through the analysis of the thesis, the possibilities of multi-lineal development based on diverse cultures and agencies have been illustrated as alternatives to simplified lineal top-down development model. Within this perspective, the participation of diverse women and men, young and old, at the grassroots level in social development is essential in incorporating endogenous perspectives. Furthermore, structure and institutional set up to enable their participation become important. From this perspective, the roles of agents play a crucial part in social transformation for social development with endogenous perspectives.
1 The endogenous nature was analyzed based on (i) culture considered as basis for development (Condition 1), (ii) ecology and history recognized as creator of culture(Condition 2), and (iii) people’s endogenous participation in development processes (Condition 3) including self-reliance (e.g. from food sufficiency, market dependency, and economic dependency).
Chapter 3 analyzed the extent social development with endogenous perspective was realized in Tanzania at the macro level, with the assumption that endogenous perspective should be considered as an essential condition for social development (Assumption 3).1 Firstly, time series analysis indicated that both state-led (Ujamaa ) and market -led (structural adjustment) policies were predominantly exogenous for the people, and social development focusing on the BHN have not been sustained. However, relatively better performance in social development was seen during the period when endogenous nature was relatively prevalent . Furthermore, there are some expectations for the pr esent pro-poor reforms for future endogenous social development with interactive dialogue between domestic and external agents, decreased dependency, poverty focus, and people-centered governance. Secondly, analysis of geographical disparities indicated that the regions with strong Swahili influences were lagging in terms of social development and that it was a result of the ecological systems and exogenous marginalization. The analysis indicated that endogenous perspectives should be considered as a condition for social development, proposing people’s endogenous participation in development processes as an essential condition for endogenous social development (Condition 3).
Based on the assumption that diverse agencies realize endogenous development (Assumption 4), endogenous perspectives of “development” at the micro level in Lindi Region were assessed in Chapter 4. Perspectives of “development ” and “culture” were analyzed differentiating between women and men, young and old, from the understanding that women and youth were excluded from participating in formal institutions of governance. According to the analysis, women utilized “development” against “culture” violating their welfare, and they also used “cultural ” networks at the mezzo level as space for participating in social processes. On the other hand, many young men denied “culture” and found space outside existing village networks. Relatively speaking, rural women and older people found continuity between the ecological system and historical knowledge in comparison to younger men or urban people. Based on Assumption 4 and this analysis, dialogue between diverse agencies are proposed as Condition 4.
2. Role of Agents: Formation of development
strategies with endogenous perspectives
Through the analysis of the thesis, the possibilities of multi-lineal development based on diverse cultures and agencies have been illustrated as alternatives to simplified lineal top-down development model. Within this perspective, the participation of diverse women and men, young and old, at the grassroots level in social development is essential in incorporating endogenous perspectives. Furthermore, structure and institutional set up to enable their participation become important. From this perspective, the roles of agents play a crucial part in social transformation for social development with endogenous perspectives.
1 The endogenous nature was analyzed based on (i) culture considered as basis for development (Condition 1), (ii) ecology and history recognized as creator of culture(Condition 2), and (iii) people’s endogenous participation in development processes (Condition 3) including self-reliance (e.g. from food sufficiency, market dependency, and economic dependency).
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Women and men, young and old
The main actors of social development are women and men, young and old, within households and extended families (clans). In Chapter 4, differentiated positions and roles between gender and generation became prevalent in their daily life and conceptualization of “development” and “culture.” For example, older men detested to foreign culture and fashion that invaded their endogenous traditional culture. Work was shared differently between men and women: Men did relatively more agricultural work, and women did both agricultural work and household work ending up with more working hours. Furthermore, older people, both men and women, did more agricultural and household work. Women did not have equal rights for education, marriage, and inheritance, and they had to follow food taboos during pregnancy.
However, not all women sat quietly as victims. They point at younger men that they are not doing their duties. They complain about their rights being violated. And they sneer at the food taboo that did not allow pregnant women to eat eggs, as if it is something of the past. They maneuvered strategies within their situations for improved status and involvement in social processes. Many of the gender relations change at the household level through the agencies initiated by women and men. Other gender relations necessitate broader structural change, which will be discussed later.
The relationships between the youth and the old, especially within men, were almost alarming. Older men were attached to their traditional power as mzee, and young men criticized the traditional “culture” as backward and evaded to virtual urban life represented by video and disco, or by actually moving out of the village. The conflict between the old and the young will result not only in losing productive power within the village but also disrupting continuity in the accumulated knowledge within their culture. As older men of Naipanga suggested, improved communication between the old and the young, such as of grandfather and grandchild within the family, may be one solution. However, the communication should not only be one way for the grandfather to be talking and preaching to their grandchildren. Mzee should also be ready to listen to their juniors to understand their situation to find how their accumulated knowledge would contribute to the changing situations in their common livelihoods. Endogenous development that women and men, young and old, can share will be realized only with these dialogues .
The concentration of power by older men should not be considered inherent in people’s “culture.” As discussed in Chapter 2, creation of culture is an ongoing process. The concentration of power resulted as a consequence of social processes where older men made allies with external powers such as religious organizations and colonial rulers, and expanded their powers in the name of “culture” – “culture” defined on their conveniences. Unless definitions of “culture” can be redefined based on a common ground between women and men, young and old, cultural and development processes will fade out.
Formal institutions: Local and Central Government
As mentioned in Chapter 3, the Local Government Reform Programme (LGRP) has been underway since the late 1990s. The main objectives to decentralize power from the Central (Central and Regional) Government to the Local (District and Village) Government and to improve the basic health services are extremely important. Therefore, the joint effort of the Government and the donors indicate a meaningful path. However, caution is needed to not only to decentralize responsibilities but also to decentralize power.
A more substantive concern lies in the area of giving the power back to the women and men. The Village Democracy Initiative within the context of the LGRP reported important
The main actors of social development are women and men, young and old, within households and extended families (clans). In Chapter 4, differentiated positions and roles between gender and generation became prevalent in their daily life and conceptualization of “development” and “culture.” For example, older men detested to foreign culture and fashion that invaded their endogenous traditional culture. Work was shared differently between men and women: Men did relatively more agricultural work, and women did both agricultural work and household work ending up with more working hours. Furthermore, older people, both men and women, did more agricultural and household work. Women did not have equal rights for education, marriage, and inheritance, and they had to follow food taboos during pregnancy.
However, not all women sat quietly as victims. They point at younger men that they are not doing their duties. They complain about their rights being violated. And they sneer at the food taboo that did not allow pregnant women to eat eggs, as if it is something of the past. They maneuvered strategies within their situations for improved status and involvement in social processes. Many of the gender relations change at the household level through the agencies initiated by women and men. Other gender relations necessitate broader structural change, which will be discussed later.
The relationships between the youth and the old, especially within men, were almost alarming. Older men were attached to their traditional power as mzee, and young men criticized the traditional “culture” as backward and evaded to virtual urban life represented by video and disco, or by actually moving out of the village. The conflict between the old and the young will result not only in losing productive power within the village but also disrupting continuity in the accumulated knowledge within their culture. As older men of Naipanga suggested, improved communication between the old and the young, such as of grandfather and grandchild within the family, may be one solution. However, the communication should not only be one way for the grandfather to be talking and preaching to their grandchildren. Mzee should also be ready to listen to their juniors to understand their situation to find how their accumulated knowledge would contribute to the changing situations in their common livelihoods. Endogenous development that women and men, young and old, can share will be realized only with these dialogues .
The concentration of power by older men should not be considered inherent in people’s “culture.” As discussed in Chapter 2, creation of culture is an ongoing process. The concentration of power resulted as a consequence of social processes where older men made allies with external powers such as religious organizations and colonial rulers, and expanded their powers in the name of “culture” – “culture” defined on their conveniences. Unless definitions of “culture” can be redefined based on a common ground between women and men, young and old, cultural and development processes will fade out.
Formal institutions: Local and Central Government
As mentioned in Chapter 3, the Local Government Reform Programme (LGRP) has been underway since the late 1990s. The main objectives to decentralize power from the Central (Central and Regional) Government to the Local (District and Village) Government and to improve the basic health services are extremely important. Therefore, the joint effort of the Government and the donors indicate a meaningful path. However, caution is needed to not only to decentralize responsibilities but also to decentralize power.
A more substantive concern lies in the area of giving the power back to the women and men. The Village Democracy Initiative within the context of the LGRP reported important
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Social Development, Culture, and Participation – Summary and Conclusions (Kumiko Sakamoto)
findings that women and youth were under-represented in formal government institutions.
Findings of the author from the field research also underlined this perspective. The most
common formal institution that marginalizes women and the youth is the Village Government.
In order to include women in the formal village decision making, Shivji and Peter recommended that a quorum for women in the village council should continue and that quorum of women also for the Village Assembly should be set. This should be part of the LGRP so that more women are formally given a voice. It was also recommend that a committee of the Village Council should be established to cater for special interests of the village youth. However, there was no support for stipulating special representation for the youth. 2
The relationships between the people, the Village Government, the District Government, the Regional Government, and the Central Government were problematic in many cases that messages and orders went through in top-down directions - from the Central Government to the Region, from the Region to the District, from the District to the Village, and from the Village Government to the people. However, voices were rarely heard in bottom-up directions - from the people to the Village Government, from the Village to the District, from the District to the Region, and from the Region to the Central Government . These decentralized democracy are the expectations that the LGRP entails.
It has been reported in the PRSP progress report that an “encouraging move has been made in the development of participatory planning framework at the local level”.3 However, it was observed in this field research that even by using “PRA” techniques, uppers remained “development agents” to bring development, and villagers remained “development beneficiaries ” , having “culture” as their resort and conceptual weapon against external development agents if need be. The LGRP should fully consider how uppers are recognized and attempt to reverse the top-down governance structure toward a bottom-up system – the bottleneck lying in the attitude and behavior of the uppers.
Civil society: Village based networks, local NGOs, religious organizations, and research organization s
Civil society organizations at the mezzo level play important roles in providing opportunities to participate in social processes, especially at the present stage when the formal structure of governance is exclusive in reality. Village based networks such as burial societies, ngoma, unyago, and jando were opportunities for villagers, especially women, to participate in social processes. The importance of thesevillage-based networks should be recognized so that they can continue to function as an arena for women and men to take part in various social processes.
Dependency of local NGOs on donors and the government was a concern (e.g. asserted by Chachage), and the representations of actual civil societies are ideal. However, it was also recognized that they have opportunities to play roles in bridging the gap of the formal structure. Local NGOs should take into consideration the different aspirations of diverse people including women and men, young and old, in order to support and empower the marginalized strata within the village. For example, advocating the powerful within the village may be an effective entry point. However, consciousness about power structure within the village, and interaction with relatively deprived social groups will enable possibilities to promote the social inclusion within the village.
2 See Shivji, Issa G. and Chris Maina Peter (2000) The Village Democracy Initiative, Dar es Salaam.
3 See Tanzania, United Republic of (2001) Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper: Progress report 2000/01,
Dar es Salaam
April 2003 317
In order to include women in the formal village decision making, Shivji and Peter recommended that a quorum for women in the village council should continue and that quorum of women also for the Village Assembly should be set. This should be part of the LGRP so that more women are formally given a voice. It was also recommend that a committee of the Village Council should be established to cater for special interests of the village youth. However, there was no support for stipulating special representation for the youth. 2
The relationships between the people, the Village Government, the District Government, the Regional Government, and the Central Government were problematic in many cases that messages and orders went through in top-down directions - from the Central Government to the Region, from the Region to the District, from the District to the Village, and from the Village Government to the people. However, voices were rarely heard in bottom-up directions - from the people to the Village Government, from the Village to the District, from the District to the Region, and from the Region to the Central Government . These decentralized democracy are the expectations that the LGRP entails.
It has been reported in the PRSP progress report that an “encouraging move has been made in the development of participatory planning framework at the local level”.3 However, it was observed in this field research that even by using “PRA” techniques, uppers remained “development agents” to bring development, and villagers remained “development beneficiaries ” , having “culture” as their resort and conceptual weapon against external development agents if need be. The LGRP should fully consider how uppers are recognized and attempt to reverse the top-down governance structure toward a bottom-up system – the bottleneck lying in the attitude and behavior of the uppers.
Civil society: Village based networks, local NGOs, religious organizations, and research organization s
Civil society organizations at the mezzo level play important roles in providing opportunities to participate in social processes, especially at the present stage when the formal structure of governance is exclusive in reality. Village based networks such as burial societies, ngoma, unyago, and jando were opportunities for villagers, especially women, to participate in social processes. The importance of thesevillage-based networks should be recognized so that they can continue to function as an arena for women and men to take part in various social processes.
Dependency of local NGOs on donors and the government was a concern (e.g. asserted by Chachage), and the representations of actual civil societies are ideal. However, it was also recognized that they have opportunities to play roles in bridging the gap of the formal structure. Local NGOs should take into consideration the different aspirations of diverse people including women and men, young and old, in order to support and empower the marginalized strata within the village. For example, advocating the powerful within the village may be an effective entry point. However, consciousness about power structure within the village, and interaction with relatively deprived social groups will enable possibilities to promote the social inclusion within the village.
2 See Shivji, Issa G. and Chris Maina Peter (2000) The Village Democracy Initiative, Dar es Salaam.
3 See Tanzania, United Republic of (2001) Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper: Progress report 2000/01,
Dar es Salaam
April 2003 317
Social Development, Culture, and Participation – Summary and Conclusions (Kumiko Sakamoto)
Because religion plays an essential role in people’s identity, religious organizations are
influential reaching areas that formal institutions or other civil societies are not able to touch
upon. Christian organizations tended to have common grounds and action related to social
development and governance, coming from the same Western background. On the other
hand, Muslim organizations tended to be merged into traditional ways of living. These
religious organization are not only the basis for people’s belief, but also space for them to
interact and communicate. By broadening the space within religious organizations, it may
create an environment for endogenous aspirations for social development to bloom.
The relationships between research organizations and the people depend on the method researches were done. Quantitative researches such as surveys often obtained data suitable for analysis but left no space for dialogue, and they were often top-down in the method and bottom-up only for the information that the researcher had interests in. Extractive qualitative researches and extractive participatory researches had some space for dialogue, but the topics of discussions are given in most cases. The bottom-up direction of information can either be extractive or empowering depending on the space women and men have to maneuver. Furthermore, the ethics of researchers to recognize the ownership of knowledge by the villagers and to at least provide feedback when necessary are tested.
Participatory action research, which women and men have the initiative in setting the agenda, is ideal. One of the value systems that limit the capability of research organizations and researchers are its funding sources and the academic demand. Researchers as well as funding sources should shift their value system toward local values, where the overriding objective of social research should be. Although research organizations are only one of many actors in social development, its leverage within policy can positively be utilized for the improved being of women and men, including establishment of systems where voices of women and men, young and old, can be heard.
Donors, international organizations, and international NGOs
Donors and international organizations have been looking toward the Central Government, and their dialogue with local partners have been limited. Firstly, donors, international organizations, and international NGOs need to recognize the deficits of formal institutions that it excludes women and youth from the decision-makingprocesses. In the long term, support for improving the formal government structure to enable voices of women and men, young and old, are heard isessential and valid. In this aspect, the present process of support toward improved governance (e.g. through the LGRP) is on the right track as discussed in Chapter 3.
However, in consideration to the fact that structural governance reforms require a long period of time, diversification and decentralization of partners is necessary to ensure that support to empower the deprived is realized. While maintaining support and dialogue toward legitimate formal government, support toward civil organizations at the mezzo level that represent or create space for the marginalized and deprived population (such as women and youth among many others social groups) is also important. From this perspective, the improved coordination of donor support toward the government, which is normally rated as a positive trend, has the danger of blocking diverse channels of support to reach the deprived. 4 On the other hand, the recent changes in the ways of support in southeast Tanzania to diversify partners can be evaluated as relevant.
4 See Havnevik, Kjell J. (1993) Tanzania,Uppsala, pp. 22-24 on discussions on how “aid coordination” was first promoted in the 1980s as an unified front facing recipient countries.
The relationships between research organizations and the people depend on the method researches were done. Quantitative researches such as surveys often obtained data suitable for analysis but left no space for dialogue, and they were often top-down in the method and bottom-up only for the information that the researcher had interests in. Extractive qualitative researches and extractive participatory researches had some space for dialogue, but the topics of discussions are given in most cases. The bottom-up direction of information can either be extractive or empowering depending on the space women and men have to maneuver. Furthermore, the ethics of researchers to recognize the ownership of knowledge by the villagers and to at least provide feedback when necessary are tested.
Participatory action research, which women and men have the initiative in setting the agenda, is ideal. One of the value systems that limit the capability of research organizations and researchers are its funding sources and the academic demand. Researchers as well as funding sources should shift their value system toward local values, where the overriding objective of social research should be. Although research organizations are only one of many actors in social development, its leverage within policy can positively be utilized for the improved being of women and men, including establishment of systems where voices of women and men, young and old, can be heard.
Donors, international organizations, and international NGOs
Donors and international organizations have been looking toward the Central Government, and their dialogue with local partners have been limited. Firstly, donors, international organizations, and international NGOs need to recognize the deficits of formal institutions that it excludes women and youth from the decision-makingprocesses. In the long term, support for improving the formal government structure to enable voices of women and men, young and old, are heard isessential and valid. In this aspect, the present process of support toward improved governance (e.g. through the LGRP) is on the right track as discussed in Chapter 3.
However, in consideration to the fact that structural governance reforms require a long period of time, diversification and decentralization of partners is necessary to ensure that support to empower the deprived is realized. While maintaining support and dialogue toward legitimate formal government, support toward civil organizations at the mezzo level that represent or create space for the marginalized and deprived population (such as women and youth among many others social groups) is also important. From this perspective, the improved coordination of donor support toward the government, which is normally rated as a positive trend, has the danger of blocking diverse channels of support to reach the deprived. 4 On the other hand, the recent changes in the ways of support in southeast Tanzania to diversify partners can be evaluated as relevant.
4 See Havnevik, Kjell J. (1993) Tanzania,Uppsala, pp. 22-24 on discussions on how “aid coordination” was first promoted in the 1980s as an unified front facing recipient countries.
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Social Development, Culture, and Participation – Summary and Conclusions (Kumiko Sakamoto)
3. Conclusions: Conditions for endogenous social
development
This thesis started with the perspective that recognizing culture as an obstacle in Tanzania was a problem (The problem) and identified that this recognition was widespread throughout history and places. Based on the recognition that the role of culture needs to be re-conceptualized in the development context (Problem 1 discussed in Part 1) and by conceptualizing “culture” as manifestation of “development” processes, two conditions for endogenous social development were drawn out.Firstly, cultureshould berecognized as the basis for endogenous social development. Secondly, ecological system, historical social structure, and endogenous agencies should be recognized as creator of culture. It has been observed that historical continuity between ecological systems, social structure, and diverse agencies play a complex and essential factor in formation of culture and social development with endogenous perspectives.
As another related problem, it was observed that participation and diverse endogenous agencies were not sufficiently emphasized in the development processes (Problem 2 discussed in Part 2). From analysis at the macro level and micro level, additional two conditions for endogenous social development were drawn out. Thirdly, people’s endogenous participation in the development processes should be considered as a condition for social development. Social development simply cannot be realized or sustained through top-down processes. Fourthly, dialogues between different agents in society, such as between women and men, and between the young and the old, along with dialogues between domestic and external agents (e.g. government and donors through formal institutions and civil societies), are necessary for mutual understanding and action, thus for social development with endogenousperspectives.
Lastly, summarizing the whole discussion, there is a necessity to recognize both the structures and agencies. Chapter 2 discussed from a historical perspective that natural environment, past social processes(histories), and diverse agencies of individuals and social groups played crucial roles in creating culture. Therefore, future social processes (“development”) and agencies of women and men are also factors that affect the future “culture.” Analysis of the endogenous social development (Chapter 3) did indicate the “deprived” region, sex (women), and age (youth); it also prevailed limited space in the structural/formal institutions that disabled their participation to enhance their endogenous social development. These structures need to be reformed in the direction to expand their space. However, it was also observed that many of those that were labeled as “deprived” from the macro perspective (e.g. women and youth) effected their agencies and found space at the mezzo level. As the fifth condition for endogenous social development, structural change at the macro level and empowerment of agencies to enhance people’s endogenous aspirations and strategies at the mezzo levels - as mutually influencing dimensions - are proposed. With the understanding of these five conditions, transformation from simplified lineal top-down development to multi-lineal endogenous social development can be possible.
development
This thesis started with the perspective that recognizing culture as an obstacle in Tanzania was a problem (The problem) and identified that this recognition was widespread throughout history and places. Based on the recognition that the role of culture needs to be re-conceptualized in the development context (Problem 1 discussed in Part 1) and by conceptualizing “culture” as manifestation of “development” processes, two conditions for endogenous social development were drawn out.Firstly, cultureshould berecognized as the basis for endogenous social development. Secondly, ecological system, historical social structure, and endogenous agencies should be recognized as creator of culture. It has been observed that historical continuity between ecological systems, social structure, and diverse agencies play a complex and essential factor in formation of culture and social development with endogenous perspectives.
As another related problem, it was observed that participation and diverse endogenous agencies were not sufficiently emphasized in the development processes (Problem 2 discussed in Part 2). From analysis at the macro level and micro level, additional two conditions for endogenous social development were drawn out. Thirdly, people’s endogenous participation in the development processes should be considered as a condition for social development. Social development simply cannot be realized or sustained through top-down processes. Fourthly, dialogues between different agents in society, such as between women and men, and between the young and the old, along with dialogues between domestic and external agents (e.g. government and donors through formal institutions and civil societies), are necessary for mutual understanding and action, thus for social development with endogenousperspectives.
Lastly, summarizing the whole discussion, there is a necessity to recognize both the structures and agencies. Chapter 2 discussed from a historical perspective that natural environment, past social processes(histories), and diverse agencies of individuals and social groups played crucial roles in creating culture. Therefore, future social processes (“development”) and agencies of women and men are also factors that affect the future “culture.” Analysis of the endogenous social development (Chapter 3) did indicate the “deprived” region, sex (women), and age (youth); it also prevailed limited space in the structural/formal institutions that disabled their participation to enhance their endogenous social development. These structures need to be reformed in the direction to expand their space. However, it was also observed that many of those that were labeled as “deprived” from the macro perspective (e.g. women and youth) effected their agencies and found space at the mezzo level. As the fifth condition for endogenous social development, structural change at the macro level and empowerment of agencies to enhance people’s endogenous aspirations and strategies at the mezzo levels - as mutually influencing dimensions - are proposed. With the understanding of these five conditions, transformation from simplified lineal top-down development to multi-lineal endogenous social development can be possible.
April 2003 319
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